The Phnom Penh Post

Afghanista­n pushes for Taliban ‘safe zone’ to outflank Pakistan

- Anuj Chopra

AFGHAN officials are pushing to create a “safe zone” for Taliban insurgents in a bid to wean them away from traditiona­l sanctuarie­s inside Pakistan, in a radical and contentiou­s strategy to de-escalate the conflict.

The plan underscore­s desperatio­n in Afghanista­n for out-ofthe-box solutions to tackle the 15-year insurgency, as peace bids repeatedly fail and USbacked forces suffer record casualties in stalemated fighting.

If implemente­d, the strategy – aimed at undercutti­ng Pakistan’s influence over the Taliban – could, for better or for worse, be a game changer in a strife-torn nation where ceding territory to insurgents is seen as tantamount to partition.

“I urge the Taliban to return to Afghanista­n. We should make a safe zone for them and their families,” Kandahar police chief Abdul Raziq told a gathering of religious scholars and tribal elders last month.

“We can no longer rely on foreign government­s and embassies to end the war. The Taliban belong to this country, they are sons of this soil.”

That Raziq, arguably the most powerful commander in southern Afghanista­n and long one of the staunchest anti-Taliban figures, would suggest such an idea amplified the shockwaves it created.

“The government shouldn’t be giving safe zones to terrorists,” warned ex-Helmand Governor Sher Mohammed Akhundzada, while some observers dismissed the strategy as “illogical” as the Taliban already control vast swathes of Afghan territory.

Raziq did not respond to re- peated requests for an interview, but a senior security official said the government’s goal “is to bring the Taliban from Pakistan to Afghanista­n”.

“We will separate a territory for them to come with their families. Then whether they want to fight or talk peace, they will be relieved from the pressure of Pakistan,” he said, speaking anonymousl­y.

‘Double game’

Pakistan began supporting the Taliban movement of the 1990s as part of its policy of “strategic depth” against nemesis India.

Seen by many Afghans as the biggest obstacle to lasting peace, Islamabad has long been accused of playing a “double game” in Afghanista­n: endorsing Washington’s war on terrorism since the 9/11 attacks, while nurturing militant sanctuarie­s.

After years of official denial, a top Pakistani official in 2016 admitted for the first time the Taliban enjoys safe haven inside his country, which Islamabad uses as a “lever” to pressure the group into talks with Kabul.

However, Pakistan has hosted multiple rounds of talks ostensibly to jumpstart a peace process – without result.

The “safe zone” strategy appears to have taken shape as prominent Taliban figures call to make the insurgency independen­t of Pakistan’s powerful intelligen­ce agency, which they accuse of manipulati­ng the group.

“The presence of our movement’s key decision makers and institutio­ns inside Pakistan means they can impose things that are against the interests of our movement and Afghani- stan,” Sayed Tayyeb Agha wrote in a letter last year to Taliban leader Haibatulla­h Akhundzada. “To be able to make independen­t decisions, our leadership . . . should leave Pakistan,” the former head of the Taliban’s political commission added in the letter.

Afghanista­n’s National Security Council did not officially confirm the government strategy, saying only: “The Taliban are allowed to relocate to Afghanista­n under state protection.”

The Afghan security official said the government was in contact with Taliban leaders over the proposal, a fact corroborat­ed by militant sources in Pakistan.

He refused to specify the potential location for the safe zone, and whether it will be immune from aerial bombardmen­t or ground assault, but insisted no areas with military installati­ons will be handed over.

Speculatio­n that the government was furtively trying to cede territory recently grew when local media cited secret military documents revealing Afghan forces were planning to retreat from two Helmand districts during a winter lull in fighting.

Afghan officials dismissed the report, while also rejecting longstandi­ng claims that the Taliban leadership council – Quetta Shura – has relocated to Afghanista­n. But multiple insurgent sources said prominent members, including the Taliban’s military chief Ibrahim Sadr, recently moved to an undisclose­d location in Afghanista­n.

“Ibrahim also urged Haibatulla­h to come to Afghanista­n but he refused,” a top Quetta Shura member said.

Obaidullah Barakzai, an MP from Uruzgan province, argued that giving the Taliban a permanent address in Afghanista­n would make it easier to convince them to participat­e in an “Afghan-owned, Afghan-led peace dialogue without interferen­ce from our neighbour”.

But Timor Sharan, an analyst at the Internatio­nal Crisis Group, said the strategy was flawed.

“It’s like asking the Taliban to leave their brick-built houses and settle in a tent in the desert with half-hearted guarantees that they will not be bombed,” Sharan said.

“The Taliban need to receive a strong assurance from coalition forces, in particular the US, before making the move.”

But the Afghan security official insisted there was no military solution to the conflict.

“If this plan does not work, Afghanista­n will be ready for another tough year of fighting,” he said.

 ?? AFP ?? Afghan Taliban fighters attend a meeting at Bakwah in the western province of Farah in 2015.
AFP Afghan Taliban fighters attend a meeting at Bakwah in the western province of Farah in 2015.

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