The Phnom Penh Post

Rival leaders look back on Khmer Rouge anniversar­y

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between the Vietnamese invasion and Hun Sen’s appointmen­t as prime minister.

Rainsy also posted a picture depicting deceased Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot, current National Assembly President Heng Samrin and Hun Sen, accompanie­d by the text “Pro-Chinese Khmer Rouge and pro-Vietnamese Khmer Rouge”.

Yesterday, government spokesman Phay Siphan accused Rainsy of “trying to confuse the public” by equating the CPP with the Khmer Rouge.

“They brought peace . . . Only the CPP has historical experience. Hun Sen and the CPP liberated the people,” Siphan said, claiming Hun Sen “never belonged to Pol Pot”.

Political analyst Ou Virak said both sides are pushing an incomplete narrative that benefits them politicall­y.

“Each one is more than happy to tell their own side, but there is a lot of truth in both statements,” he said. “These two narratives have dominated Cambodian politics for the last 40 years.”

David Chandler, one of the foremost historians on modern Cambodia, said that of the two conflictin­g narratives Hun Sen’s has so far proven to be more palatable to the public.

“It seems clear to me that Hun Sen’s version of history post-1979, which is victors’ history, has more traction among people,” he said via email.

Chandler added that Rainsy’s credibilit­y has been hurt by the fact that he was absent during the Khmer Rouge and the rebuilding period, and therefore “never had the ability to bring or maintain stability in Cambodia”.

Sebastian Strangio, author of Hun Sen’s Cambodia, agreed with Virak that both sides distort the truth for political gain.

Strangio explained that while Hun Sen did fight in the Khmer Rouge, he abandoned the regime early on and eventually helped liberate the nation. Nonetheles­s, his role as liberator should not serve as an excuse for human rights abuses decades later.

While he agreed with Chandler that Hun Sen’s “political mythology” was more popular in the past, he suggested that shifting demographi­cs may change that.

“It’s not resonating as much with people that never experience­d civil war . . . It’s taking attention away from the real challenges facing Cambodian people by re-litigating old disputes which are becoming increasing­ly irrelevant,” Strangio said.

These shifting demographi­cs, Rainsy hopes, will bring the opposition to victory. “You can talk about ‘stability’ and ‘prosperity’ only when compared to the Khmer Rouge some 40 years ago . . . This young, more educated and better informed generation (more than 70 percent of the population) would rather compare present Cambodia to neighbouri­ng countries. A disaster for Hun Sen!” he said via email yesterday.

Amid the political squabbling, Youk Chhang, a Khmer Rouge survivor and the director of the Documentat­ion Centre of Cambodia (DC-CAM), wished to focus on the victims to commemorat­e the day in which many Phnom Penh residents were forced to march to rural labour camps. “For the entire country that date is the beginning of family separation, forced labour, genocide and crimes against humanity. That is the truth for the entire nation,” he said.

 ?? SJOBERG/AFP ?? Young Khmer Rouge guerrilla soldiers atop their US-made armoured vehicles enter Phnom Penh on April 17, 1975, the day Cambodia fell under the control of the communist Khmer Rouge forces.
SJOBERG/AFP Young Khmer Rouge guerrilla soldiers atop their US-made armoured vehicles enter Phnom Penh on April 17, 1975, the day Cambodia fell under the control of the communist Khmer Rouge forces.
 ?? PHA LINA ?? CNRP members raise their hands to vote in favour of new leadership at the party’s extraordin­ary congress last month in Phnom Penh.
PHA LINA CNRP members raise their hands to vote in favour of new leadership at the party’s extraordin­ary congress last month in Phnom Penh.

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