Truly Asean?

FOR Indonesians, the manipulative tactics being used by Malaysian leader Najib Razak to win the upcoming general election is a reminder of former President Suharto’s tricks during his 32-year rule. Unfortunately Najib is not alone among the Asean leaders in adopting this strategy.

Since 1999, Indonesia has had four presidential elections, three of which were direct ones. Next year, legislative and presidential elections will be held simultaneously.

As the largest Asean member, Indonesia has an obligation to share its experience of democratisation with its neighbours. Yes, Indonesia remains vulnerable to risks of stepping back rather than forwards; and we urge fellow Asean citizens to remain wary of allowing leaders to rise without control.

Developments in Malaysia are indeed worrying. Its leaders know how to benefit from divisions in society, where Malays and Muslims are treated as first-class citizens. Oppress the opposition, manipulate the fears of the majority Malays against economically powerful minorities, rewrite election rules, control the media.

Najib has used and will continue to use such tactics to win the next election. The 1Malaysia Development Berhad corruption case that allegedly involved him and people around him, which he has repeatedly denied, has been swept under the carpet.

Like Suharto, Najib has killed even the smallest chance for the opposition to participate in the coming parliamentary election. The government has blocked former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad’s party, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia from running against the ruling Barisan National coalition in the election.

Tragically, the 92-year old Mahathir, who ruled Malaysia from 1981 until 2003, is the opposition’s only available alternative. Najib learned from him how to treat minorities and opposition.

In Cambodia, Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has been in office since 1985, has also mercilessly cracked down on rivals. Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party won a sweeping victory in February’s election.

Thailand’s situation is worse, where the military continues to refuse to transfer power to civilians. Junta leader Prayut Chan-o-cha, who toppled the democratically elected government in 2014, later appointed himself as Thai prime minister. The military had previously forced her brother Thaksin Shinawatra to resign in 2006. The military has staged no fewer than 12 coups since 1932.

For how long will Thais allow themselves be ruled by a dictatorship?

Our message is very clear: Despite shared temptations to let strong leaders rule instead of work on the nuts and bolts of noisy democracy, Asean must be an example to the world.