Cape Breton Post

South China Sea showdown?

In a worst-case analysis, we could be only a few days away from a major military clash between the United States and China

- Gwynne Dyer Gwynne Dyer is an independen­t journalist whose articles are published in 45 countries.

Next week the Internatio­nal Tribunal for the Law of the Sea will issue its ruling on China’s claim to practicall­y all of the South China Sea. And already the main military contenders are moving more forces into the region.

China’s Maritime Safety Administra­tion announced that Chinese naval and air forces will carry out seven days of exercises in an area extending from Hainan to the Paracel Islands off the Vietnamese coast. The exercises will end on Monday, just one day before the tribunal’s ruling is released, so they will still be around if things get more exciting after that.

They might well get more exciting, because the US Navy’s Task Force 70, including the aircraft carrier USS Ronald Reagan, has now moved into the South China Sea. Its task, according to its commander, Rear-Admiral John D. Alexander, is “to maintain the seas open for all to use.”

The Chinese Defence Ministry’s spokesman, Col. Wu Qian, warned last Thursday that this is “an act of militariza­tion in the South China Sea and it endangers regional peace and stability. But I’d like to say that the U.S. side is making the wrong calculatio­n. The Chinese armed forces never give in to outside forces.” And last Friday President Xi Jinping declared that China will never compromise on sovereignt­y and is “not afraid of trouble.”

In a worst-case analysis, therefore, we could be only a few days away from a major military clash between the United States and China in the South China Sea. But it really shouldn’t go that far, because the Hague tribunal’s ruling will have no practical effect.

China’s “nine-dash line” claim to almost 90 per cent of the South China Sea looks prepostero­us on a map – it extends more than a thousand km. from the southern-most point of China while coming within less than a hundred km. of the Filipino, Malaysian and Vietnamese coasts – but it is taken very seriously in China.

The historical justificat­ions for Beijing’s claim are flimsy, but beginning with the seizure by force of the Paracel Islands from Vietnam in 1974, China has extended its control to most of tiny islands and reefs in the entire area.

In the past three years it has expanded seven of these tiny footholds with concrete and landfill, building airstrips, port facilities and other potential military assets on them. In February, for the first time, it put actual weapons on them. Whether or not this was directly in response to the case brought against it in The Hague by the Philippine­s in 2013, it certainly had the effect of making a military confrontat­ion more likely.

But China stated in advance that it would not recognize any ruling on the validity of its claim by the UN-backed Hague tribunal, which has no way to enforce its decision. So it should not feel obliged to resort to military force to defend its claim, any more than the U.S. should feel any need to use force to challenge it. In theory.

Behind the sometimes belligeren­t rhetoric from Beijing, there has been a long-standing policy that China should avoid military confrontat­ions with other great powers until it has grown strong enough economical­ly to stand a good chance of winning. It’s not there yet, so it should still be gun-shy. But there may now be another considerat­ion at work.

The social contract that keeps the Chinese Communist Party in power is simple: so long as the Party delivers steadily rising living standards, the population will accept its dictatoria­l rule. For almost 30 years it has kept its side of the bargain, with economic growth rates of between eight and 10 per cent per year.

But even the Party admits that the growth rate is now down to six per cent, and hardly anybody else believes it is even four per cent. Some observers think the economy may not be growing at all this year. If that is the case, then the regime is drifting into dangerous waters, and it will need a foreign distractio­n to divert public attention from its failure.

An exciting but carefully contained confrontat­ion over the South China Sea with the United States and its Southeast Asian allies could be the solution, igniting nationalis­t passions in China and generating support for the regime, but the tricky bit is keeping it “carefully contained.” Once you start down that road, you cannot be sure where it will take you.

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