Cape Breton Post

Education Reform Act stifles dissent, diversity

A look into the actual text of Bill 72

- Tom Urbaniak Tom Urbaniak, PhD, is a political scientist at Cape Breton University. His latest book is Dignity, Democracy, Developmen­t: A Citizen’s Reader. He can be reached at tom_urbaniak@cbu.ca.

Two words in Bill 72, the Education Reform Act, hint at the ideology behind this sweeping bill. Those words are “corporatio­n sole.”

The implied ideology is one of top-down regimentat­ion: A “unified” system should not leave much place for public deliberati­on, dissent or diverse approaches.

In the proposed legislatio­n, each school board will be replaced by an “education entity,” to be known as a “regional centre for education.” Each regional centre will still be a body corporate, but it will now be a “corporatio­n sole”: The education corporatio­n for Cape BretonVict­oria and every other region will have only a sole member, the minister of education.

“Corporatio­n sole” is a term found most commonly in civil laws to incorporat­e the dioceses of top-down churches. Bishops were worried that lay people might claim a direct stake in supervisin­g clergy or properties. So the bishops asked politician­s to make them corporatio­ns sole, as if they were the only member of the diocese. The bishops were authorized to decide and dispose without formal debate or scrutiny by parishione­rs.

Under this Education Reform Act, when it comes to, say, closing a school, no deliberati­on or voting will be required. The corporatio­n sole can just do it. In practice, that will mean the decision will fall on the desk of the regional executive director (the new name for superinten­dent), who will be chosen by the minister.

Closing schools is not a random example; more such closures might now arise. That’s because principals will not be permitted to spend more than half their time teaching. The sole decision-maker will thus be tempted to consolidat­e small schools that find themselves no longer allowed to assign a parttime principal.

This bill removes independen­t scrutiny and public deliberati­on from the system. The government is even prepared to spend public money to make sure potential dissidents go away quietly. It’s dismissing all school board members as of April 1, but paying them to do nothing up to October 2020.

Consultant Avis Glaze recommende­d that the school boards be partly replaced by an armslength education ombudsman. That is not in this bill.

Furthermor­e, the government says that elected Mi’kmaw and African Nova Scotian board members will be replaced by bureaucrat­s at the executive director level. But, again, independen­t voices will be lost because these public servants can only raise their concerns confidenti­ally.

The bill states that school advisory councils “may” be constitute­d, but their duties and compositio­n will be spelled out by some future regulation­s. These regulation­s will not come back to the House for debate; they will be approved behind closed doors.

Nor does the bill contain Glaze’s suggested five-year review to determine if elected boards should come back in some form. Let’s recall that boards were reinstated in New Brunswick, which had experiment­ed with eliminatin­g them.

Even New Brunswick’s centralize­d system of the late 1990s was less top-down than what the Nova Scotia government now wants. Regional parent councils in New Brunswick could pick who served on the provincial advisory council on education. Nova Scotia’s provincial advisory council will be hand-picked by the government for two-year terms (renewable once). The advisory council will not elect its own chair. The minister will make that appointmen­t too.

The heavy-handed way this bill is being pushed through the House does not bode well for the future oversight of schools.

Premier Stephen McNeil wants to get Royal Assent this week. But this complex bill was introduced only last Thursday. There is no time for proper hearings, research and legal analysis. There is barely time to read and understand the bill.

Education Minister Zach Churchill’s roadshow last month to sell reforms does not replace the constituti­onal duty of the legislatur­e to scrutinize actual bills clause by clause. The bill’s draft text was not available when the minister was on the road, nor did we know how the government would depart from Glaze’s recommenda­tions (which it has).

Sadly, government websites no longer even try to preserve the form and formalitie­s of the legislativ­e process. The changes are discussed as if they’re already done. So much for our elected MLAs.

This government is obviously not comfortabl­e with the democratic heritage of Nova Scotia. As a citizen, I am very concerned.

“The education corporatio­n for Cape Breton-Victoria and every other region will have only a sole member, the minister of education.”

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