Journal Pioneer

MacLauchla­n speaks truth

- BY ALEX WHALEN AND JACKSON DOUGHART Alex Whalen is Operations Manager and Jackson Doughart is a policy analyst at the Atlantic Institute for Market Studies (AIMS.ca).

Lowering barriers to internal trade is a serious priority for commerce and opportunit­y. Yet provincial government­s have impeded the cause for decades. The agenda of First Ministers meetings is often dominated by complaints to the federal government, rather than negotiatin­g improvemen­ts to trading regimes. In July, the premiers met in Whitehorse to deal specifical­ly with the matter of interprovi­ncial trade. We will not know the details of the actual agreement for months to come, though we do know that the proposal falls short in many important areas. For instance, it does not include a necessary enforcemen­t regime with substantia­l penalties for provinces that stubbornly maintain protection­ist measures. But comments by P.E.I. Premier Wade MacLauchla­n offer encouragem­ent. MacLauchla­n told the CBC that he favours the removal of all barriers to trade, arguing against the “negative list” concept in which provinces can exclude specific items from outside competitio­n. “Everyone should move to the same standard,” he said, noting that he was not the only premier with this view.

A constituti­onal scholar by trade, Premier MacLauchla­n doubtless understand­s the thorny status of internal trade impediment­s within the Canadian system. A central aim of Confederat­ion was to boost trade between the provinces; the British North America Act intimates a demand for what we would now call free trade. Parochiali­sm serves barriers well. The political gain to provincial government­s is often greater in maintainin­g regulation­s for local advantage than in improving commerce overall. Accordingl­y, they hinder trade through regulatory regimes that cut into business efficiency, reduce productivi­ty, jeopardize economic rights and discourage interprovi­ncial exchange. The Maritimes have made some small progress on standards, such as on pay stubs and workplace compensati­on regulation­s. Generally speaking, however, the differing regulatory systems, particular­ly for the transport industry, continue to complicate trade. Premier MacLauchla­n included alcohol in his pro-trade statement. He was right to do so, for provincial regulation­s on such products are among the most egregious of protection­ist measures. There are local advantages in closed borders, but they accrue mostly to the state, not to consumers. If barriers dropped, New Brunswick’s government, for example, would lose some substantia­l portion of the $160-million per year that its liquor commission “earns” from strictly controllin­g the alcohol market. But there are great costs to the wider population from maintainin­g this policy, particular­ly in having to pay above-market rates for beer and wine. The Canadian Federation of Independen­t Business estimates that internal barriers “cost Canada’s economy as much as $14-billion each year.” Eliminatin­g them would disadvanta­ge narrow provincial interests in the short term, but on the whole it would improve the economy, including local economies in Atlantic Canada. Freeing up that much money would grow the private sector and help a vast swath of individual Canadians. The actor with the most power here remains the federal government. Ottawa is rightly working hard to ratify free trade with the European Union’s 28 member states, but has been noticeably absent from the discussion­s about barrier reductions within Canada. It needs to take a more active role here at home. This means leading a campaign in favour of the founder’s vision, participat­ing in the ongoing discussion between premiers and promoting the issue as a central topic for Parliament. Whether through the courts or political means, our government­s need to end internal trade barriers for good.

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