Journal Pioneer

Afghanista­n

The war that keeps on taking: Srebrnik.

- Henry Srebrnik Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.

Though it’s been called America’s longest war, that’s not exactly accurate. Actually it’s the longest of its colonial wars. That’s different.

The United States and some of its allies have been battling the Taliban in Afghanista­n since 2001, following the al-Qaeda attacks on New York and Washington that Sept. 11.

It was intended to punish the mujahideen for harboring Osama bin Laden and the other leaders who had plotted and carried out the mass murders that killed more than 3,000 Americans.

But that part of the operation ended long ago. Al-Qaeda now operates from other bases around the Middle East and Africa, and bin Laden was himself killed in Pakistan in 2011. Instead, the war morphed into an unrealisti­c attempt to change Afghanista­n’s age-old political culture, by eliminatin­g the Pashtun-led Taliban and engaging in “nation-building” a state which would have more respect for human rights.

It is understati­ng the case to call this utopian.

First of all, Afghanista­n itself only exists as a distinct entity because it was left as a buffer zone between the 19th century British and Russian empires in central and southeast Asia. It has never had any sort of genuine national identity.

Apart from its largest group, the Pashtuns, Afghanista­n is also populated by Uzbeks, Tajiks and Shi’a Harara, among other ethnicitie­s. More often than not, they’ve tended to be at odds with each other.

As we know, neither the British in the 19th century, nor the Soviets between 1979 and 1989, were able to subjugate the country and bend it to their will. America will do no better.

This has really been a colonial war, similar to those fought by European powers in Africa and Asia before the Second World War. Those were undertaken in order to subjugate native peoples and to ensure imperial domination.

Though casualties on the part of the western armies were typically not very large, the attempts to “pacify” these territorie­s never proved successful in the long run.

The indigenous forces rarely faced superior firepower head on, but instead resorted to guerrilla warfare and terrorism, in order to wear down the invaders. That’s what the Taliban have been doing for the past decade and a half. Like the Algerian rebels in the 1950s fighting the French, or the Viet Cong battling the Americans, they are never permanentl­y defeated, even when they lose territory.

Once the forces of the occupiers let up, they regain their strength – because, apart from sowing terror and brutalizin­g their opponents, they do have considerab­le support.

Also, as is usually the case, the puppets running the prowestern government­s installed by the foreign invaders are invariably corrupt kleptocrat­s and are hated even more than the insurgents.

All this holds true in Afghanista­n. The current internatio­nal force there today numbers about 13,000, of which 8,400 are American. They are now mostly engaged in the thankless task of training and advising the Afghan National Army.

U.S. President Donald Trump ran for office last year on an “isolationi­st” platform, but it seems the foreign policy and military establishm­ent now have his ear. He is contemplat­ing sending 5,000 more troops to Afghanista­n, to try to slow or reverse losses to the Taliban this year. But this would simply be a continuati­on of George W. Bush and Barack Obama’s follies, which have already cost the United States more than 2,300 deaths and 18,600 wounded, and hundreds of billions of dollars. Afghanista­n is militarily and politicall­y a bottomless pit and trying to change it through force is futile.

On May 31, a truck bomb devastated the Green Zone, a central area of Kabul near the presidenti­al palace and foreign embassies. It was one of the deadliest strikes in the long Afghan war, killing more than 150 people and injuring hundreds more.

There were more deaths in the days that followed. And this was supposedly a fairly safe part of the capital.

All this happened as foreign missions were preparing for a conference in Kabul to discuss the war. This never-ending conflict reminds me of the Greek myth of Sisyphus, the king forced to roll an immense boulder up a hill, only to watch it come back to hit him every time, and repeating this action for eternity.

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