Journal Pioneer

The shadowy existence of Transnistr­ia

- Henry Srebrnik Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.

Wedged between Moldova and Ukraine, it is home to more than 555,000 people and has a parliament­ary government, a standing army, and its own currency.

It controls a narrow strip of territory to the east of the Dniester River, and also the city of Bender and its surroundin­g localities on the west bank.

The largest ethnic groups are Romanian-speaking Moldovans, at 33 per cent, Russians at 34 per cent, and Ukrainians at 27 per cent. So Slavs outnumber ethnic Romanians by two to one.

The de facto state of Transnistr­ia, as it calls itself, has all the trappings of an independen­t nation, but isn’t recognized as such by most of the world. As the Soviet Union started to implode in 1990, its constituen­t union republics sought independen­ce within their Soviet borders. But this would leave many minorities in those republics at the mercy of the majorities in the newly-formed independen­t states. Hence, separatist movements sprang up among minorities trying to themselves secede from the seceding states. One such case, in the southweste­rn corner of the old USSR, involved Moldova. In this case, Russian and Ukrainian minorities in the new state feared that the majority Romanians in Moldova might decide to join neighbouri­ng Romania.

Hence the formation of Transnistr­ia, a reaction to the lack of self-determinat­ion guarantees in case Chisinau decided on this move. Before 1940, in fact, the Romanian-majority part of Moldova had itself been part of Romania.

Reacting to Moldova’s declaratio­n of independen­ce, the Transnistr­ian Supreme Soviet voted to establish its own state. Naturally, Moldova resisted this.

The subsequent military conflict of 1990-1992 resulted from Moldova’s attempt to achieve territoria­l control over the breakaway region, and this in turn provoked the Russian 14th Army to intervene “for the sake of Russophone­s rights in selfdeterm­ination.”

The 1992 ceasefire agreement included the establishm­ent of a Joint Control Commission to supervise security arrangemen­ts in a demilitari­zed zone consisting of 20 towns on both sides of the Dnieper River.

Transnistr­ia bases its existence as a nation on its separate history and distinctiv­eness from Moldova.

Its leaders point to the fact that the old Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic (MSSR) had consisted of two parts - the one, known as Bessarabia, that was part of Romania in the 19191940 interwar period, and the other, the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of Moldova, that was created in 1924 within Ukraine.

According to the Transnistr­ian view, the MSSR was dissolved by both of its two parts, Moldova and Transnistr­ia. This was not an act of secession. Transnistr­ian independen­ce was declared through referenda in 1990-91, the adoption of its constituti­on in a referendum in 1995, and at a second referendum re-affirming self-determinat­ion and free associatio­n with Russia in 2006.

Tiraspol, the capital of Transnistr­ia, features monuments to Vladimir Lenin. Russian flags flying above Transnistr­ian government buildings.

The Transnistr­ian ruble bears the images of Russian figures like General Alexander Suvorov and Catherine the Great. Everything from Russian food to medicine and fuel reaches Transnistr­ia through Ukraine. But Kyiv, on May 20, imposed a temporary blockade on Transnistr­ia.

But Moldova itself is to some extent at the mercy of Moscow. For example, its electricit­y is produced at a plant in Transnistr­ia. However, Transnistr­ia does not pay for the gas it receives from Russia’s state-owned Gazprom to fuel the power plant; rather, Gazprom charges Moldova for those gas deliveries. So, though Moldova’s independen­ce was at first considered a step towards the reunificat­ion with Romania by the Bucharest government, this hasn’t happened. Moldovan politician­s are themselves divided between those who look to the West and those oriented toward Moscow. In November 2016, Moldova elected a pro-Moscow candidate, Igor Dodon, to the country’s presidency.

Meanwhile, efforts on ending the Moldovan-Transnistr­ian impasse have made little headway, though talks in Vienna in late November, which included the participat­ion of Russia, Ukraine, the United States, the European Union, and the Organizati­on for Security and Co-operation in Europe, made some progress.

“Despite Transnistr­ia declaring its own independen­ce, it will not achieve it, unless Moldova decides to recognize it,” according to Thomas de Waal, a British expert on Eastern Europe. “The most likely future is either more of the same - an unrecogniz­ed status and shadowy semi-statehood, or a confederat­ion agreement with Moldova.”

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