Small errors adding up for Couillard

Political amateurism gets premier into trouble

At least this Prime Minister Trudeau didn’t publicly insult the Liberal premier of Quebec as a classless “hot-dog eater,” as folklore has it that his father did to Robert Bourassa (he actually didn’t).

Nonetheless, Trudeau the Younger just as publicly humiliated Philippe Couillard, by spiking his proposal of a national dialogue on the Constitution without reading it. And then, just to make sure federalists understood there wouldn’t be another near-Götterdämmerung for Canada over the Constitution, Trudeau did it again this week.

So the presentation of the proposal, intended primarily to strengthen the Quebec premier in the eyes of his constituents, weakened him instead. For that, part of the blame goes to Couillard himself. Even though it was vital for him that the prime minister not reject the proposal out of hand, Couillard neglected to negotiate at least a tactfully non-committal response from Trudeau in advance.

Instead, Couillard blindsided the ally whose co-operation he needed most; Le Journal de Montréal and La Presse reported that he didn’t even bother to send Trudeau a copy of the proposal before it was leaked to the media.

It was another example of the political amateurism of the premier and his entourage that has repeatedly got him into trouble, which in turn appears to have weakened his leadership.

Last week, the trouble was over the latest apparent leak out of the anti-corruption squad UPAC to Pierre Karl Péladeau’s Quebecor media. This one consisted of an email from Couillard expressing sympathy to Marc-Yvan Côté, a former senior Liberal organizer and fundraiser being hounded by allegations of ethical misconduct.

There was nothing scandalous about the message itself, since it dated back to 2012, when Couillard was out of politics, and four years before Côté was charged with corruption. But the email brought Couillard’s credibility into question, by contradicting his recent effort to minimize his friendship with Côté.

Obviously, Couillard hadn’t learned from his similar mistake in connection with Arthur Porter. Instead of acknowledging that he and the late director of the McGill University Health Centre were close, but denying any knowledge of the fraud of which Porter was accused, Couillard tried to distance himself entirely from Porter. This served as a challenge to political opponents and the media to find apparent evidence to the contrary, which they did.

Taken individually, these are small faults, none fatal. It’s the accumulation of such avoidable errors, keeping the government on the defensive, that appears to have shaken the confidence of Liberal members of the National Assembly in their leader, weakening his authority.

Formerly, the Liberal troops were known for their discipline, especially when in power. But Couillard’s apparent neglect of his caucus has led to open dissension in their ranks.

Couillard’s predecessor as Liberal leader and premier, Jean Charest, learned the importance of close relations with his caucus members from his mentor in federal politics, Brian Mulroney.

Under Couillard, however, Liberal MNAs have complained repeatedly of not being adequately informed or consulted in advance of government decisions, most recently about the constitutional proposal.

There was another sign this week of increasing nervousness in the caucus resulting from a leadership vacuum.

Two Liberal MNAs from the Mauricie region, one of whose ridings will be eliminated in the next general election, squabbled openly over the party’s nomination in the remaining one.

It’s a dispute that Couillard should have arbitrated before it became public. But the premier appears to be as aloof from his own caucus as from the electorate.

Couillard has also contributed to the restlessness by keeping his MNAs uncertain about their political futures. He has talked about renewing his caucus in the election due next year, and his cabinet in a shuffle before then.

It’s increasingly apparent, however, that the Liberals’ weaknesses aren’t confined to the caucus or the cabinet. They also extend to the premier’s office.