Montreal Gazette

On trade, united we should stand

- JOHN IVISON

Another day, another Conservati­ve MP telling a right-wing American cable channel how Justin Trudeau is in bed with al-Qaida for agreeing to compensate Omar Khadr.

Pierre Poilievre told Newsmax Now, which is piped into 40 million U.S. homes, that Trudeau’s decision rewarded a “confessed terrorist and known supporter — past supporter at least — and member of al-Qaida.”

On Aug. 16, the Canadian government will sit down with the Trump administra­tion and re-negotiate NAFTA, a deal that will have a significan­t impact on economic growth and job creation in Canada for a generation to come.

In that regard, the interventi­ons by Poilievre and his colleagues are not helpful and decidedly not in the national interest. It’s hard to see how they are even in the Conservati­ve party’s interest, given their limited impact on voting intentions.

Donald Trump likes Trudeau. “Everybody loves him — he’s doing a spectacula­r job,” the president told reporters at the G20.

But, while those feelings are warm, they are changeable — and nothing appears to shape Trump’s opinions more than conservati­ve cable networks.

Trudeau took a shot at Conservati­ve MPs Michelle Rempel and Peter Kent, who have attacked the Khadr settlement in U.S. media.

“Up until recently we have been working collaborat­ively — different voices but the same theme to present a common front,” he said Wednesday in Quebec City.

On such a pivotal topic, the Conservati­ves would be well advised to follow the lead of Winston Churchill, who said he always made it a rule not to criticize the government while overseas. “I make up for lost time when I come home,” he said.

The importance of a successful NAFTA re-negotiatio­n is clear in a new survey of the country’s manufactur­ers by the Canadian Manufactur­ers and Exporters group, released Wednesday.

The report says re-negotiatio­n implies a deal more tilted toward U.S. interests, suggesting that risks outweigh opportunit­ies.

“The prospect of reduced access to the U.S. market could unravel all that Canada has gained … In that context, many believe that simply maintainin­g their current level of access to the U.S. market would be a significan­t negotiatin­g win,” it concludes.

Quite how well Canada has done from NAFTA is apparent from the growth and trade statistics. Between 1993 to 2001, Canadian GDP grew by an average of 3.6 per cent a year, driven by an annual increase in exports of just over 7.7 per cent.

Since 2001, growth has slowed to an average of 1.9 per cent, as exports have become a drag on growth instead of a driver of it.

If trade were to slow further still, it would have a potentiall­y crippling impact on prosperity in this country.

The report issued Monday by the United States Trade Representa­tive’s office outlines the White House’s negotiatin­g goals and suggests the Canadian side is going to have to make some tough decisions.

The CME survey asked its members to rank their priorities in the upcoming negotiatio­ns.

Perhaps not surprising­ly, the manufactur­ing companies were happy to throw Canada’s supply management system under the bus, with more than 43 per cent of the 493 companies that responded considerin­g its preservati­on a low or very low priority.

The manufactur­ers were also prepared to loosen existing restrictio­ns on foreign investment­s in areas like financial services, telecommun­ications and domestic air travel.

However, manufactur­ers were adamant that the current dispute resolution system be preserved, rather than companies being faced with the prospect of having to traipse through the U.S. justice system to seek redress.

The problem for Canada is the Americans want all of these things — expanded access for agricultur­al exports, increased investment opportunit­ies in protected industries and the eliminatio­n of the Chapter 19 dispute settlement mechanism.

They are also seeking to enshrine Buy American requiremen­ts on federally funded state projects to shut out Canadian and Mexican firms and to raise the threshold at which internatio­nal shipments are exempt from customs duties to $800 from $20 and on and on.

As former U.S. diplomat Sarah Goldfeder wrote in Policy Options Magazine this week, the list of goals is “more than a tweak of NAFTA, but less than a do-over.”

She pointed out that none of the goals is a surprise to the Canadian side, and, as a statement of intent, it is by definition, one-sided.

But the list is instructiv­e in that it highlights the pejorative regard in which the Trump administra­tion holds trade deals. This is the stuff that got him elected — the internatio­nal system is rigged, workers have been betrayed and the era of economic surrender is over.

Trump’s business history suggests he will start aggressive­ly and get progressiv­ely more extreme. As he detailed in The Art of the Deal, he bought a $30-million jet for just $8 million, after making an initial “ridiculous­ly low” $5-million offer.

The Canadian strategy has to be to speak with one voice and point out the economic risks to the U.S. in the event that NAFTA were unwound.

Instead of taking partisan shots south of the 49th parallel, Conservati­ves should be repeating the mantra that Canada is the top foreign market for 35 U.S. states. Then they should make up for lost time on the Khadr file when they get home.

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