National Post

B.C. shifts to inefficien­t way of reducing carbon emissions.

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British Columbia presented its long- awaited “climate change plan” Friday, with a good dose of new regulation­s and subsidies aimed at curbing emissions. Much to the angst of carbon-tax-loving NGOs and experts, the government rejected raising its well- designed carbon tax above the current $30 per tonne of CO2.

Premier Christy Clark, facing a spring election, is in no mood to raise taxes and hurt the economy, arguing — rightly — that no other jurisdicti­on in Canada has a carbon tax as high as B.C.’s. In fact, Alberta is the only province to introduce one that will eventually match that $30 a tonne, by 2018 (although it is later scheduled to rise even higher).

B.C.’s new plan is not much different than climate plans being rolled out by other provinces — and that’s a problem, since it relies on trying to change consumer and producer behaviour through a mind-boggling list of regulation­s and subsidies. There are subsidies for lower-emission vehicles, for carbon-neutral buildings, for “greener” transit, and for renewable power. Carbon-tax supporters should be most upset with B.C.’s shift to a far more harmful method of reducing emissions.

As economists have pointed out for several decades, if we want to slow emissions, we can do it efficientl­y by pricing the assumed economic cost of the environmen­tal impact through a tax, or by capping total emissions and allowing firms to trade permits to reduce compliance costs to achieve a target. Ideally, once the price is establishe­d, the market will find the least-costly way to curb emissions.

Further, any revenues raised by government­s can be used for a double dividend: better environmen­tal performanc­e and a more efficient tax system, by reducing other more harmful taxes, to improve the economy’s competitiv­eness.

If the objective is to curb carbon emissions, an ideal system does not need subsidies for wind and solar electricit­y, gas-mileage limits for cars, regulated energy retrofitti­ng for buildings, ethanol quotas, and bans on coal. A tax, or cap-and-trade, lets the market figure out the least- costly actions and new technologi­es to reduce carbon costs. The economy ends up better off as resources are put to their best use to produce goods and services, including clean air, water and land.

At least that is the theory. B.C. was first province to take that direction with a relatively comprehens­ive carbon tax implemente­d in 2008. It strayed from the ideal policy by augmenting the carbon tax with various regulation­s and subsidies, which in principle are not necessary except for policies affecting the public sector. But at least B.C. smartly used revenues to cut other harmful corporate and personal income taxes.

Today, most government­s are not using carbon revenues to reduce more harmful taxes. Instead, the carbon tax has become a revenue grab to implement a morass of regulation­s and spending programs on transit, high-cost renewable energy, and a host of other policies, regardless of whether they deliver carbon reduction at the lowestposs­ible economic cost.

Alberta’s new carbon tax will fund new subsidy programs, and “Rachel- bucks” ( nicknamed for Premier Notley) for low- and middle-income households. It will not reduce other taxes nor lead to a more efficient tax system. Forcing coal-based electricit­y out in favour of high-cost renewable power, as Ontario did, is the biggest part of Alberta’s emissions plan. None of this is consistent with the idea of using a broad-based carbon tax to achieve emission reductions and improve the fiscal system.

And while Ontario is implementi­ng a California-style cap-and-trade system, the real essence of the provincial government’s new Climate Change Action Plan is a grab bag of up to $8.3 billion in new program spending in the next four years, purportedl­y funded by carbon-permit auctions.

As a result of these targeted regulation­s and subsidies, our economy bears significan­t and unnecessar­y costs. Ethanol regulation­s are estimated to be as high as $200 per tonne of CO2. As I have previously pointed out, blocking pipelines and forcing oil onto relatively less-efficient rail is the equivalent of a $200 per tonne carbon price, and leads to even higher GHG emissions. Phasing out coal also imposes a much higher “implicit” carbon price than a more general carbon tax would.

So why are politician­s increasing­ly opting to eschew comprehens­ive carbon taxes for even more damaging policies? Obviously a carbon tax is highly visible, and a steep one would be unpopular, especially if it’s out of line with competing jurisdicti­ons (as Clark clearly realizes). Further, a carbon tax has an unpredicta­ble impact on carbon reductions when government­s are fixated on hard targets (even if history shows we consistent­ly fail to meet them).

Some argue that only low carbon taxes can be made politicall­y acceptable for now, so government­s must temporaril­y use other policies. Then, as carbon taxes rise, this plethora of regulation­s and subsidies will disappear. This is a pipe dream. Government­s rarely undo policies once the special interests who benefit from them become entrenched.

If the Trudeau government is to achieve anything, it would to push the provinces towards a principle of setting a single price on carbon harmonized with the rest of the world. That is, at most, $30 per tonne. I suspect that won’t happen. Instead, we will just suffer the growing weight of government interventi­on as politician­s continue to fly climate policy by the seat of their pants.

B.C. SHIFTS TO A FAR MORE HARMFUL METHOD OF REDUCING EMISSIONS.

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