National Post

NFL nation unto itself

Lawsuit reveals abuse and lack of accountabi­lity

- Sally Jenkins

Members of Congress have some questions for the NFL about its drug practices. The first one asked of commission­er Roger Goodell should be, “Explain to us, please, how your league is different from an illegal enterprise?”

It turns out the NFL has been keeping drug l ogs. Every year, all of its teams send itemized lists of drugs and dosages to a medical adviser in the league office in New York. Now, keeping drug logs and counting pills in the Park Avenue executive suite is a very curious and telling thing to do. What it shows is that the league office has known that it has a drug problem and, not only that, has known the exact size of it.

The NFL always wants public benefits, but it never wants to take public responsibi­lity. It wants antitrust exemptions and non- profit status for its Park Avenue offices and tax breaks and bond issues and financing. But then it wants to claim it is a private business. It doesn’t want the public to know how it really operates or to answer to the public at all.

No one would have ever known about the drug logs if it weren’t for a lawsuit filed by 1,800 former players alleging they suffered longterm physical damage from painkiller over-prescripti­on.

A federal judge has allowed the case to go forward and in a rare move unsealed it. Usually, when anyone asks the NFL for informatio­n, its lawyers start producing magic cloaks of invisibili­ty. It hides its labour practices in collective bargaining clauses and its finances under a mantle of confidenti­ality, arguing that it’s really just a bunch of loosely aligned individual private businesses, merely a trade associatio­n. Really? Goodell is being paid $44 million a year to manage a trade associatio­n?

What the painkiller case should demonstrat­e to Congress is that the league has been given way too much considerat­ion. Its longtime antitrust exemption has apparently served to make the team owners feel they are exempt from pretty much every other kind of federal regulation, too. Teams arrogantly flout laws that other businesses live under. They ignore basic federal requiremen­ts. There is no better example of this than their wilfully shoddy record- keeping and evading of the Drug Enforcemen­t Administra­tion.

All American businesses have to fill out workplace i nj ur y paper work. The meat-packing industry, auto industry, constructi­on, software.

The Occupation­al Safety and Health Administra­tion requires all U.S. employers to fill out individual workplace injury reports. You think the NFL has been filling out its forms and sending them to OSHA? Have a little fun and go to the Bureau of Labor Statistics website and take a look.

Gamblers get better injury reports from the NFL than the government does.

Apparently, NFL personnel treated DEA regulation­s about the same. All of the following is cited in the players’ lawsuit, much of it in memos and deposition­s from the league’s own doctors and other personnel: Trainers handed out Vicodin, though they’re legally prohibited from doing so; doctors crossed state lines with bags of meds; drugs were improperly stored or not secured, and went missing; players were given substances that were unrecorded or never noted, were not told what they were being given or advised of the risks.

“These allegation­s suggest a troubling lack of respect for the laws governing the handling of controlled substances, and raise questions about the league’s dedication to the health and safety of its players,” read a letter sent to Goodell on Wednesday from four Democratic members of the House Committee on Energy and Commerce, demanding an explanatio­n of league practices.

Nobody likes regulation­s. But they matter, because they’re how the public assesses industries. Data from those regulation­s is how we learn where there is a problem and consider reforms that impact public health.

The NFL has a huge impact on public health and it owes public accountabi­lity. The league spends US$45 million a year to promote tackle football to children, and its practices trickle down to college locker rooms. Injuries in the league are a problem comparable to coal dust, an environmen­tal risk factor.

There is more than a little evidence to suggest that the NFL has been systematic­ally shifting the long- term costs of those injuries — the concussion­s and joint replacemen­ts, and now perhaps addictions and organ damage allegedly caused by painkiller practices — to the public. Teams fight workers’ compensati­on cases tooth and nail. Players’ health insurance only lasts for five years beyond their playing careers, and aging NFL players who wind up disabled often turn to Social Security Disability and Medicare.

We’re in the middle of a national opioid epidemic and a sports concussion crisis. Meanwhile NFL doctors have made their patients very heavy users of Vicodin and administer­ed the powerful anti- inflammato­ry Toradol, which can promote brain bleeding, as an off- label prophylact­ic to deaden pain on the field during games.

The league should pick up the tab for that. Government oversight is never a first choice. But some businesses are so obstinate and so evasive that there’s no other option.

The painkiller case will proceed, with more discovery to come. But in the meantime, Congress should start taking some public deposition­s. NFL owners habitually don’t believe anyone is entitled to look at their ledgers or tell them how to do business. But the fact is that taxpayers have heavily subsidized them, and Congress has given them the exemptions that make their massive revenue possible. They owe some answers for that.

 ?? TIM BRADBURY / GETTY IMAGES ?? Roger Goodell is now forced to deal with a drug policy in a league already clouded by concussion controvers­y.
TIM BRADBURY / GETTY IMAGES Roger Goodell is now forced to deal with a drug policy in a league already clouded by concussion controvers­y.

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