National Post

Failures past haunt the Infrastruc­ture Bank

- Jack M. Mintz is the president’s fellow at the University of Calgary’s School of Public Policy.

The following is a transcript of a presentati­on to a hearing on the proposed Canadian Infrastruc­ture Bank by Jack M. Mintz, appearing before the Senate banking, trade and commerce committee on May 17.

An infrastruc­ture bank combining government and private sector funding has been proposed in several countries, including Australia and United States. The idea has not particular­ly caught on since its advantages have not been made clear.

Its governance could be particular­ly problemati­c with the mixing of public and private interests. Back in the 1970s, many government­s throughout the world created public- private mixed enterprise­s to improve the performanc­e of public agencies or corporatio­ns. It was based on the idea that an entity would perform better with the expertise and discipline provided by the market. That experiment, including the Canada Developmen­t Corporatio­n with a mix of public and private interests, ultimately failed.

Recently, we have seen a resurgence of public-private mixed enterprise­s including Hydro One and many foreign state- controlled companies. The jury is still out as to whether such entities will be successful. My view is likely not.

The reason for this failure is that it is difficult to merge public and private interests. Private investors are solely interested in commercial success. Government­s have other objectives that could compromise profitabil­ity. Four decades ago, my PhD thesis in this area predicted that Canadian mixed- enterprise experiment­s would fail, with companies eventually privatized or fully nationaliz­ed. That is what happened to Canada Developmen­t Corporatio­n and others. Will we be repeating history once again with the Canada Infrastruc­ture Bank?

Three advantages could be gained from an infrastruc­ture bank:

❚ While an infrastruc­ture bank itself is not needed for this purpose, a revenue stream will be needed to attract investor interest, potentiall­y leading to greater use of user pricing that is economical­ly desirable for determinin­g demand. However, most infrastruc­ture projects are quasi-monopolies that could result in excessive user prices unless the public interest is protected.

❚ Investors will be able to propose projects, thereby leading to a different approach to project selection than is typically left to government­s. Their expertise could help profession­al staff select better projects. With public assurances, investors may have greater confidence that projects will be completed within a reasonable time, given that Canada has one of the slowest permitting processes according to the World Bank.

❚ The retained earnings created by the bank could be used to support other projects. This could be one advantage that makes the Canada Infrastruc­ture Bank unique compared to public infrastruc­ture spending and a public-private-partnershi­p Crown agency. Otherwise, it is difficult to say why an infrastruc­ture bank is needed as opposed to a P3 Crown agency.

The legislatio­n creates a bank that is not a Crown agent with exceptions. Ministeria­l responsibi­lity will still be applied with respect to advice on the selection of projects, financial commitment­s and disseminat­ion of data to government­s.

However, there are some significan­t issues that could lead to serious liabilitie­s and underperfo­rmance by the bank.

❚ If the government assumes risks with loan guarantees, this will lead to a misallocat­ion of risks whereby taxpayers will be responsibl­e for the downside but only share the upside. This type of risk allocation leads to poor performanc­e as the private investor takes on risks that are inappropri­ate. A good example was the case of a private proposed Swan Hills hazardous waste treatment centre that cost the Alberta government over $1 billion in losses.

❚ Private investors, especially pension funds seeking a better return on their assets, could earn inferior rates of return on investment­s arising from government policies and interferen­ce compromisi­ng the investment. For example, a gas pipeline, controlled by the Norwegian government, with a 44 per cent stake from private investors, lost $2.1 billion or 25 per cent of its value when the Norwegian government cut tariffs after 2012 in the interest of promoting oil and gas exploratio­n in the North Sea. CPP Investment Board, along with Abu Dhabi’s sovereign wealth fund and German insurance Allianz, are suing the Norwegian government, so far without success. CPP pensioners will ultimately lose money on this failed publicpriv­ate investment.

❚ It is hoped that significan­t funding will come from pension funds. However, as seen with recent directives by government­s to public pension funds like the Caisse de Depot to invest in Montreal’s transit with questionab­le profitabil­ity, a serious precedent is arising with respect to the independen­ce of public pension funds. Will government­s begin interferin­g with arm’s- l ength public- pension- plan decision- making through the infrastruc­ture bank?

While infrastruc­ture funding is important to Canada, we should remember that a significan­t share is already undertaken by the private sector, whether pipelines, railways, broadband or power transmissi­on and distributi­on. The concern over the lack of infrastruc­ture spending is with respect to our onerous regulatory system and a lack of investment in public- owned infrastruc­ture. Whether the Canada Infrastruc­ture Bank will be a catalyst for better infrastruc­ture spending is far from clear. We might be better off with privatizat­ion that was the end result of a failed public-private mixed approach of the 1970s.

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