National Post

Tax reform and the big bad rich wolf

- Philip Cross Philip Cross is a Senior Munk Fellow at the Macdonald- Laurier Institute.

The Department of Finance recently floated proposals to toughen up the tax code applying to small businesses in Canada, especially for profession­als like doctors. It would crack down on sprinkling incomes among family members, tax the savings held within small corporatio­ns and increase their capital gains taxes.

This raises a number of troubling questions. Why propose this now, just when the prospect of renegotiat­ing NAFTA and the actions of left- wing government­s in BC, Alberta and Ontario are increasing the uncertaint­y of operating a business in Canada? How are policies formulated these days in Ottawa, where consultati­on with academics obsessed with i ncome redistribu­tion takes priority over the business community? Why would we want to discourage savings of any type in a society that chronicall­y saves too little? Why the focus on this issue when a bigger inequity is taxing private sector workers, many without any pension plan, to subsidize the pensions of public sector workers, who already enjoy unparallel­ed income and leave benefits and job security? Most importantl­y, how will these tax changes improve economic growth in an era of secular stagnation?

There are eerie parall els between the current proposed changes to small business taxes and the failed budget of 1981. Then the federal government was so absorbed in the final negotiatio­ns over repatriati­ng the Constituti­on in 1981 that it did not provide proper adult supervisio­n to finance bureaucrat­s, who advanced ideas that appealed to the superficia­l rationalis­m of the civil service but ignored how people and businesses operated in the real world. That budget faithfully followed the “broaden the base, lower the rate” mantra beloved by economists in an attempt to make the income-tax system more progressiv­e and lower taxes for the middle class.

The result was political disaster, on a par with the creation of the GST, another example of seemingly logicbased policymaki­ng by a tone- deaf bureaucrac­y. The uproar f rom people and firms losing their tax breaks forced Finance Minister Allan MacEachen to reinstate the previous tax structure, warts and all.

Today, the government’s all-consuming obsession with the NAFTA renegotiat­ion allowed the Department of Finance the opportunit­y to float proposals that also seem logical and reasonable on paper but have provoked an intense backlash in the business community. Tax regimes are not founded in rationalit­y alone but on a mixture of what taxpayers regard as fair along with the practical necessity of generating revenues.

Michael Wolfson of the University of Ottawa, who helped develop these proposals, recently defended them in the Globe and Mail. Wolfson indulges an academic view of the world where t ransitions to an idyllic future are made instantane­ously and without transition­al costs or political frictions. He speculates that doctors could pay for their higher income taxes by charging higher gross incomes, leaving no change in their net incomes and the government deficit. If nothing fundamenta­lly changes, why go to all the bother?

However, given the recent history of acrimoniou­s negotiatio­ns between doctor associatio­ns and provincial government­s, there is no reason for doctors to assume they will be able to negotiate higher gross incomes. Ontario doctors have worked without a contract for three years during which the government imposed a pay cut. Advice to politician­s that they should grant doctors huge raises in gross pay should be accompanie­d by a blindfold and a cigarette. Since doctor incomes undoubtedl­y would not rise enough to offset higher taxes, they have more incentive to move to richer pastures. StatCan years ago found that the 1990s brain drain to the U. S. was most pronounced f or doctors, with the equivalent of onequarter of all doctor graduates in Canada emigrating. We don’t want that to encourage another exodus of health care profession­als just as our aging population needs more doctors.

The hypocrisy of these proposals coming from a government department cannot be ignored. The most glaring inequity in the fiscal system is the huge and growing unfairness of asking private sector workers, often without any pension plan, to pay taxes to subsidize the pensions of public sector workers. But since Wolfson (a longtime employee of Statistics Canada) and Department of Finance officials benefit handsomely from the current system, don’t expect them to propose changes to pensions any time soon. Instead we have the civil service, with its gold- plated pensions subsidized by taxpayers in the private sector, attacking one of the few viable private sector methods to provide for their own savings and pensions.

The Department of Finance does not assess the macroecono­mic impact of its proposed tax changes. The likely effect would be either offsetting increases to prices and fees or a reduction of disposable incomes available for spending, saving and investment. How does that stimulate economic growth? People who advocate income redistribu­tion never have a convincing explanatio­n of how economies grow in the long- term ( education is not the answer; if it explained growth, Russia and its former Communist satellites would be rich). Until redistribu­tionists come up with something other than their bedtime story that money grows on trees and needs to be redistribu­ted from the big, bad rich wolf, they should be ignored.

THE HYPOCRISY OF THESE PROPOSALS COMING FROM A GOVERNMENT DEPARTMENT CANNOT BE IGNORED.

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