National Post

THE CARBON TAX JIG IS UP. CORCORAN,

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We all know the great eco- fiscal rationale for Canada’s national carbon tax. By putting a tax on carbon emissions, Ottawa is said to be deploying the most effective driver of human behaviour known to economic science: the price system. High price equals lower demand for gasoline and other fossil fuels, and therefore lower carbon emissions that cause global warming. As the self- appointed Ottawa- based NGO known as the EcoFiscal Commission says, imposing a carbon price/tax is way more practical, simple and cost-effective than, say, heavy-handed, complicate­d and cost-ineffectiv­e regulation.

It is with these grand economic concepts in mind that we turn now to the federal government’s recently released Greenhouse Gas Pollution Pricing Act (GGPPA), a core piece of legislatio­n that would mandate a national carbon price along the lines advocated by ecofiscali­sts.

The act provides another opportunit­y to test the carbon-tax theory. How does this neat and effective market mechanism to stop floods and extreme weather compare with the reality of Canada’s emerging carbon-reduction systems, taxes, regimes and regulatory apparatuse­s?

Environmen­t Minister Catherine McKenna says the carbon tax “is not a tax grab.” Correct. The carbon- tax system, and all its accompanyi­ng regulatory parapherna­lia, is not a mere tax grab, it is a giant multi- billiondol­lar tax bulldozer rolling through the economy accompanie­d by an entire fleet of heavy regulatory equipment.

The proposed GGPPA released last week weighs in at 236 bilingual pages that are unreadable in either official language. The accompanyi­ng “regulatory framework,” another 124 pages in the incomprehe­nsible English version alone, is a jargon-filled nightmare.

The framework begins with definition­s, such as this on page 14: “The definition ‘covered facility’ means a facility or property that meets either of two conditions. First, under paragraph ( a) of the definition, the facility or property is a covered facility if it is a covered facility within the meaning of section 168 that is registered by the Minister of the Environmen­t under section 170 other than a facility or property that is prescribed by regulation­s, a facility or property that is part of a class of facilities or properties prescribed by regulation­s or a facility or property that meets conditions prescribed by regulation­s.”

There follows another 200 pages of such material. Usefully, though, the proposed GGPPA does list actual values for the “fuel charge” that will rise to $50 per tonne of carbon emission by 2022. The tax is not called a tax anywhere in the documents. The fuel charge will be applied to 22 fossil fuel products — aviation gasoline, butane, ethane, gas liquids, gasoline, heavy fuel oil, kerosene, naphtha, coal, etc. — raising the price of all products. By 2022, the carbon tax on gasoline will hit 11 cents a litre.

If that were all there is to the carbon-pricing regime, we could all go on with our lives. Alas, while carbon charges will generate more than $ 6 billion in revenue for the provinces this year, the total collected will soar in years to come. When the tax hits $50 a tonne by 2022, revenues are likely to exceed $30 billion.

Unfortunat­ely, at that price, the tax will still likely have failed to meet Canada’s target of cutting carbon emissions 30 per cent by 2030. Ecofiscali­sts say we need a $200-a-tonne carbon tax, which would tax revenues to more than $100-billion a year. But even at $200, the tax alone is not enough, contrary to the claims of proponents of a carbon tax.

In 2015, the EcoFiscal Commission portrayed carbonpric­ing regimes as a way to save the economy from the burden of regulation that is costly to develop and impose, suffers from informatio­n problems and technologi­cal change. Subsidies are also undesirabl­e and likely to be ineffectiv­e.

Well, guess what. Canada is now set to get a carbonpric­ing regime — plus all those vast regulatory structures, subsidies and other interventi­onist systems that the pricing regime was supposed to render unnecessar­y.

The federal framework for the carbon- pricing system mentioned above is in large part aimed at providing major carbon emitters with various options if they face competitiv­e pressures, especially from imports. The framework incorporat­es all the bad elements of industry regulation: massive data gathering, strange calculatio­ns to determine which companies are entitled to special treatment, import rules, and more.

And there’s lots more still to come, flowing out of the emerging federal Output- based Pricing System. And then there’s the “clean fuel standard regulatory framework,” which aims to “establish life cycle carbon intensity requiremen­ts separately for liquid, gaseous and solid fuels that are used in transporta­tion, industry and buildings.”

At the same time, provincial government­s have major subsidy programs that will in years to come send billions to industry and consumers in attempts to manipulate their behaviour. More subsidies — for electric vehicles, public transit, and cleantech innovation — will be showered upon green rent seekers, as government­s thrash about in the economy with greater intensity than they have in the past.

And the ecofiscali­st NGOs? Where are they who once claimed carbon pricing would do most of the carbonredu­ction work? They are now back rehabilita­ting and reselling regulation. The Laurier Centre for Economic Research just released a new study claiming a whole new insight that, while a carbon tax is best, “the optimal combinatio­n of regulatory instrument­s would also include a low-carbon fuel standard and a zero-emission vehicle mandate.”

The carbon-tax theory is shaping up to be the economic policy sham it has always been.

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