National Post

How much protection does telecom really need?

- EMILY JACKSON

The telecommun­ications industry in Canada may have among the world’s strictest foreign ownership rules, making it an easy target for criticism about the lack of competitio­n and high prices, but it certainly wasn’t that way at its inception.

Americans owned the Bell Telephone Co. of Canada when it was incorporat­ed by a special act of Parliament in 1880. Legislator­s then — and for decades after — were apparently unfazed by foreign ownership in the quest to connect the country with telephone service.

Indeed, it wasn’t until the federal government enshrined the Telecommun­ications Act in 1993 that foreign ownership restrictio­ns came into play. At that time, telecom had become entwined with broadcasti­ng, where foreign ownership was seen as necessary to protect Canada’s culture.

But recent moves to relax the rules, albeit only for smaller players, and dramatic changes in how people communicat­e leave questions as to what protection­ism accomplish­es and whether it’s still necessary in an industry dominated by wireless and internet technologi­es that are already largely global.

To understand the current environmen­t, let’s first rewind 138 years to Bell’s incorporat­ion by government charter in 1880, the same year a U.S. company bought the Canadian patent rights to Alexander Graham Bell’s telephone.

Bell’s father and owner of those rights, Alexander Melville Bell, sold them to the National Bell Telephone Co. of Boston, which would eventually evolve into AT&T Inc.

FOREIGN OWNERSHIP RESTRICTIO­NS CAME INTO PLAY IN 1993.

Armed with a government charter that enabled it to string telephone lines along public rights of way, the Canadian subsidiary effectivel­y monopolize­d service in just a few years, according to Robert Babe’s book Telecommun­ications in Canada.

Over the years, regulation­s shifted as the telephone became more popular. For example, in 1906 Bell Canada was pulled under the powers of the Railway Act, ushering in principles of universal service, just and reasonable tolls, nondiscrim­ination of customers and network connectivi­ty.

Provincial­ly and municipall­y-owned telephone services cropped up in the West, while Bell grew in the East and kept issuing stock that Canadians eagerly bought, particular­ly after the Second World War. AT&T did not divest its final shares until the mid-1970s.

The other major developmen­t was the emergence of broadcasti­ng. In 1968, the government passed the Broadcasti­ng Act, which strengthen­ed restrictio­ns on foreign ownership to address fears that Canada’s culture would be swamped by an American one given the ease of accessing cross-border television signals.

As a result of the act, Canadian content quotas came into effect and the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommun­ications Commission was created to manage the show. The government in 1976 then transferre­d the responsibi­lity of telecommun­ications to the CRTC from its spot in the transporta­tion framework.

Former CRTC chairman Konrad Von Finckenste­in said the intention behind foreign-ownership rules was to ensure broadcasti­ng remained in Canadian hands. “It’s all driven by our desire to protect Canadian culture and ensure we don’t get swamped by Hollywood,” said Von Finckenste­in, who chaired the regulator from 2007 to 2012.

Ottawa further swung toward protection­ism in the 1980s when the deregulati­on of telecommun­ications began in a bid to usher in more competitio­n. A 1987 communicat­ions policy paper that first floated the idea of foreign-ownership restrictio­ns came in tandem with free-trade negotiatio­ns with the U.S., where such restrictio­ns were already in place.

Canada’s rules came into effect in 1993. As it stands now, foreign ownership of a telecommun­ications company is limited to no more than 20 per cent of a company’s voting shares and no more than 33.3 per cent of the voting shares of a carrier’s holding company, and an effective total limit of 46.7 per cent (as long as the foreign entity doesn’t have control). On top of that, at least 80 per cent of the board members must be Canadian citizens.

Canada kept these strict rules even as the internatio­nal telecommun­ications market started to shed protection­ism in 1997, when 69 countries, including the U.S., committed to opening up markets through a World Trade Organizati­on agreement.

But in 2012, Canada loosened its rules slightly, absolving companies with less than a 10-per-cent market share from any foreign ownership restrictio­ns. No foreign entity has moved into Canada under these relaxed rules.

One reason: The Organizati­on of Economic Cooperatio­n and Developmen­t still ranks Canada’s sector as among the most restrictiv­e alongside Iceland, South Korea, Mexico, Israel and Japan.

“Canada has restrictiv­e foreign ownership rules in telecoms and broadcasti­ng which are intended to support Canadian cultural objectives but which also reduce competitiv­e pressures,” the OECD said in 2016. “Greater competitio­n in telecoms and broadcasti­ng could lower prices and increase access to fast, highqualit­y networks, raising business efficiency by enhancing the synchroniz­ation of goods, services and payments in the supply chain.”

Former CRTC commission­er Timothy Denton, chair of the Internet Society of Canada and one of the advisers on the 1987 communicat­ions policy paper, doesn’t recall any controvers­y when the ownership measures were introduced, especially since the U.S. had similar protection­s for its domestic industry. “There was very little public debate about them as I recall,” Denton said, adding that broadcasti­ng was the bigger focus at the time. “It could be we were just matching the U.S. practice. It may have been thought of as a good housekeepi­ng measure. Their importance later became more evident.”

But if the point of foreign ownership is more competitio­n, Denton isn’t convinced that lifting foreign ownership restrictio­ns would do much.

“You’d have Comcast versus Verizon instead of Bell versus Telus,” he said. “It would not increase competitio­n.”

Neverthele­ss, the industry has faced considerab­le criticism, especially since Canada has some of the highest wireless prices and some of the lowest consumptio­n rates in the world, according to numerous studies based on OECD and CRTC data. (The Big Three telecom players contest this, stating it’s difficult to compare services given the higher quality of their networks — also debatable.)

To improve competitio­n, Denton called for wireless resale, where small competitor­s could sell services on larger networks without spending billions to duplicate the infrastruc­ture. The CRTC refused to mandate wholesale access to wireless networks earlier this year, but will consider the policy in the future.

Former CRTC chairman Von Finckenste­in agreed that foreign-ownership provisions are becoming irrelevant given the technologi­cal revolution since their inception. After all, consumers can access any content at any time over the internet.

“Broadcasti­ng has become really less important than telecommun­ications,” he said. “It’s really questionab­le whether we still need the foreign protection for Canadian content.”

For one thing, protection­ism stymies economic developmen­t and dries up investment sources, he said, adding the government slightly reduced restrictio­ns in 2012 because of concerns about a lack of wireless competitio­n.

Such concerns sparked a debate in 2008 when Ottawa moved to increase competitio­n by ushering in more wireless players, including Wind Mobile, whose billionair­e Egyptian investor Naguib Sawiris found himself in a legal battle over his financial backing of the project.

Even though the 2012 rule change allowed him to invest in Wind, he gave up in 2013, stating he’d never invest in Canada again after the federal government blocked his purchase of MTS Allstream Inc. by citing national security concerns.

Around the same time, U.S. giant Verizon Communicat­ions Inc. indicated it was interested in entering the market, much to the chagrin of the incumbent wireless players, which launched a public campaign against the possibilit­y.

In 2013 Bell chief executive George Cope took the unusual step of publishing a letter that said it would be “profoundly unfair” for Verizon to enter under the rules for smaller players.

“We do not believe a U.S. company four times the size of Canada’s entire wireless industry combined requires special help from Canada,” he said.

Ultimately, Verizon didn’t enter the market, and the foreign ownership drama dissipated.

But as protection­ism once more emerges around the world, Wind Mobile founder Anthony Lacavera, who sold Wind to Shaw Communicat­ions Inc. in 2016, said Canada must start thinking about growth instead of protecting its home turf.

“Our telecom companies should get bigger.

“We think Bell Canada is a big company, but when you put it up against any global wireless carrier, Bell Canada is tiny, actually,” he said.

Lacavera, who knows all too well how foreign-ownership restrictio­ns can dampen business prospects, given his experience with Sawiris, said Canada’s telecoms should expand beyond their domestic borders, much like the U.K.’s Vodafone Group PLC or France’s Orange SA have, in order to diversify given trade uncertaint­ies.

Of course, that means grappling with competitio­n. As it stands, Canadian carriers have some of the highest operating margins, Lacavera said, adding that prices dropped when the new entrants hit the market in 2008.

“The Canadian companies would stand up very well and be very competitiv­e, gain market share,” he said.

But they have to want to expand, he said.

“As long we keep these limitation­s in place domestical­ly, they’re not going to want to.”

 ?? JEAN LEVAC / POSTMEDIA NEWS FILES ?? A rally on Parliament Hill in 2009. Foreign ownership rules are “driven by our desire to protect Canadian culture and ensure we don’t get swamped by Hollywood,” says former CRTC chairman Konrad Von Finckenste­in.
JEAN LEVAC / POSTMEDIA NEWS FILES A rally on Parliament Hill in 2009. Foreign ownership rules are “driven by our desire to protect Canadian culture and ensure we don’t get swamped by Hollywood,” says former CRTC chairman Konrad Von Finckenste­in.

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