Bernier doesn’t need an army. A platoon will do

BERNIER REMAINED MOSTLY A LONE WOLF IN THE CONSERVATIVE CAUCUS. — COSH

Let’s say, for the sake of argument, that you have high hopes for the new Max Bernier Party. Perhaps you believe, as my colleague Andrew Coyne does, that there is still far too much fly-blown 1970s-style intervention and protectionism in Canada’s economy. Perhaps you are in favour of a more hard-headed approach to immigration policy, or you are allergic to “diversity” as a supreme ideal. Maybe you just appreciate Bernier’s devil-maycare swashbuckling spirit.

Assuming some or all of these things are true, as some or all of them are true of me: were you especially impressed by Friday’s launch of the People’s Party of Canada? Bernier, I have to say, does not seem at all sure about the order in which he wants to go about things. Sixteen months ago he came close to winning the leadership of the Conservative Party of Canada: perhaps it was on the day he lost (May 27, 2017) that he decided the big Conservative tent was, as he has now described it, “intellectually and morally corrupt,” meriting only destruction. That hypothesis makes his secession from the Conservatives seem like a spasm of arrogance.

But are the alternatives much better? If he decided to start a new national party last month, when some social-media vapourings made in his name caused a little grumbling by other Conservatives, does that make this whole project look less impulsive and arrogant?

Bernier has always been a bold, articulate advocate of a classical-liberal economic line within the Conservative Party: that’s what has made him a special favourite of audiences in Alberta (which supported him quite strongly in the leadership vote) over the years. But advocacy has been the limit of his activity.

When he could have been organizing and developing a pressure group within the CPC, Bernier remained mostly a lone wolf in the Conservative caucus, and that was reflected in the leadership race. Only a half-dozen or so caucus colleagues endorsed Bernier, where winner Andrew Scheer had two dozen friends and third-place finisher Erin O’Toole had more like 30.

Bernier proved clearly enough that he is more popular with the CPC rankand-file than he is amongst the elected members. But declaring total war on the CPC seems like a — how does one put this? — an idiosyncratic response to this discovery.

One reason for using the term “total” in this context is that Bernier says he intends to run a full slate of candidates in the next federal election, which, under the Canada Elections Act, is supposed to take place no more than 13 months from now. (There is some talk that it will be less, although the Liberals may now take the view that Bernier should be given as much time as possible to organize and militate against the CPC.)

I understand that there is a sort of superstitious connection between having a full Canada-wide slate and the perceived seriousness of a political party. But Bernier offers an intellectual and moral account of his schism. The whole thing is supposed to be about the progress of certain ideas, and not about the cult of Maxime Bernier. Even though the party has no platform yet, and definitely no organizing structure that would allow for the election of a leader not named Maxime Bernier.

So, to skip past those already familiar critiques of the Liste Maxime in the hope of adding a new one: why a full slate? Promising to run 338 candidates is a good way of maximizing the harm to the CPC, if this is just a plan for samurai revenge. A leader like Bernier, who is thoughtful about ideology and does enjoy recognition from coast to coast, would be a good central building block for a libertarian-ish or classical liberal political party, if you want such a party. But his party is bound to be judged by its 10 dumbest, least careful candidates. (They all are, with the possible exception of the Liberals!) Why couldn’t Bernier start out by using the first part of his 13 months to find 20 or 30 really good ones, and run only those?

As far as anyone knows, he is starting out with zero potential candidates who have any credibility or experience to speak of. There definitely weren’t any on the dais with him Friday. Nobody thinks Bernier is aiming to create a purely regional party, but if that is his concern, he would only have to make sure that his wedge of 10 or 20 or 50 candidates was spread around suitably.

Frankly, if I were the megalomaniac in charge of this thing, I would take some care not to launch my movement shortly before a general election, but as soon as possible after. You know what’s a good way to build an insurgent party? Byelections! In a byelection, a party leader can work closely with a single candidate and move into the riding himself for personal appearances. Other non-cash resources can be concentrated. Turnout is usually low in byelections, and the establishment candidates are often dire. But, then, I lived as a sullen, dopey teen in Deborah Grey’s riding, and have some memory of a thing called “Reform,” and they say those early-life experiences are often powerful obstacles to understanding.