National Post (National Edition)

Has Trudeau freed the beast?

- COLIN WALMSLEY

AThe Canadian Senate chamber in Ottawa. new age has dawned in the Canadian Senate. Or at least, that’s what Prime Minister Justin Trudeau would have you believe. With his recent recommenda­tions of 21 new independen­t senators, unaffiliat­ed senators hold a plurality in the Red Chamber for the first time in Canadian history. If you listen to the Liberals, these ostensibly non-partisan appointmen­ts are the antidote to all the ills that have plagued our upper house over the past several decades. With pesky political allegiance­s out of the way, the Senate will somehow transform from an elitist, corruption-plagued relic of Canada’s less democratic past into a legitimate and effective chamber of sober second thought. Scandals will evaporate and sunny ways will reign.

However, despite the government’s optimistic rhetoric, the new and supposedly improved Senate isn’t all that different from the one in which party hacks have traditiona­lly lived out the twilight of their political lives.

Instead of hand-picking senators, the prime minister now hand-picks names from a list recommende­d by a committee, whose members are mostly handpicked by the prime minister. Of course, he doesn’t have to choose from the names the committee gives him. He still has carte blanche to appoint anyone he wants, just in case he can’t find someone he likes on the list. The committee’s suggestion­s convenient­ly remain a secret, so we won’t necessaril­y know if his selections are from the bank of approved candidates or his own back-of-anapkin tally.

The not-so-groundbrea­king result of this process is that Canada now has a Senate filled with liberal senators rather than Liberal senators.

While the government has overstated the innovation­s of Trudeau’s Senate plan, they have understate­d — or perhaps overlooked — the threat a non-partisan, appointed Senate poses to the upper chamber’s accountabi­lity.

For most of its history, the Senate has been restrained from exercising its constituti­onal powers by its obvious illegitima­cy. Keenly aware that they risked provoking a public backlash if they clashed with the democratic­ally elected House of Commons, partisan senators have generally rubberstam­ped the legislatio­n of the government influenced by partisan pressures: “As an independen­t, I will vote my values, I will vote my conscience, I will vote my voice ... In the end, I will vote as I think is right.”

On its surface, such conviction may seem admirable. But the Senate is a legislatur­e, not a court. When senators’ personal values are not held in check by regular elections or party discipline, they can become dangerous. What happens if Omidvar’s values are opposed by a clear majority of Canadians? When her conscience forces her to vote down legislatio­n passed by the duly elected House of Commons? When her voice drowns out the voices of millions of people across the country who disagree with her?

You can’t vote her out of office. With a guaranteed seat in the Senate until she’s 75, she’s as secure in her office as a Saudi prince. You can’t even punish her party by voting it out, since she isn’t a member of a party.

But worry not. Trudeau assures us that removing partisansh­ip from the Senate will allow it to perform its job more effectivel­y by “ensuring that the interests of Canadians are placed before political allegiance­s.”

Thank God there are independen­t senators looking out for our interests so we don’t have to go through the irksome trouble of actually voting.

The Senate has never been the chamber of sober second thought it was supposed to be. But if Trudeau’s new non-partisan senators are as independen­t as they claim to be, the upper chamber will go from being a benign — albeit expensive — backwater to an out-of-control experiment that threatens to spark a constituti­onal crisis. Then again, maybe a constituti­onal crisis is exactly what is required to inspire the real reforms the Senate badly needs.

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