National Post (National Edition)

Rafsanjani’s death leaves void in Iran

FORMER PRESIDENT WAS STABILIZIN­G INFLUENCE

- JON GAMBRELL

Former president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani will be buried in the shrine of the ayatollah who led Iran’s 1979 Islamic Revolution, the same man who once proclaimed “the revolution is alive as long as Rafsanjani is alive.”

The direction of that revolution and Iran’s cleric-ruled political system looks less clear following Rafsanjani’s death Sunday at 82.

He long served as a balance in the extremes of Iranian political thought, a gobetween for reformers who seek outreach to the world and hardliners who press for confrontat­ion with the West. Without his behind-thescenes influence advocating pragmatism, some fear that one side may feel free to try to overcome the other.

President Hassan Rouhani’s nuclear detente with world powers is seen as embodying Rafsanjani’s realist vision. Rouhani is all but certain to stand for re-election in May. With Rafsanjani’s death, that vote now takes on an even greater importance — as does the decision looming in the coming years on who will replace Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

“The political gravitas that Rafsanjani had went beyond political factions,” said Adnan Tabatabai, an Iran analyst based in Germany who is the CEO of the Center for Applied Research in Partnershi­p with the Orient. “He was one of the pillars, one of the power brokers that everyone knew that as long as he’s there, somehow there will be a balance preserving the system.”

Rafsanjani’s life mirrored Iran’s modern history. He served as the right-hand man of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the charismati­c leader of the 1979 revolution. He led the military during the ruinous war with Iraq in the 1980s. He helped launch Iran’s nuclear program and then pushed for reconcilia­tion with the West.

In the years after Khomeini’s 1989 death, Rafsanjani represente­d one of an ever-shrinking number of leaders directly tied to the Islamic Revolution. Even the nation’s sworn enemy, the Iranian opposition group in exile called the Mujahedeen­e-Khalq, acknowledg­ed his role as “one of the two pillars and key to the equilibriu­m” of the country.

The condolence­s coming from Gulf Arab countries on Rafsanjani’s death show how even Iran’s rivals saw him as someone with whom they could work, analysts say.

Internally, however, his legacy remains mixed. He was massively wealthy and a veteran at manoeuvrin­g within Iran’s opaque political system.

He was considered a protector of the moderates, but many reformers distrusted him because he was such an insider. Hardliners distrusted him because of his support of moderates and sought to sideline him, but he was too powerful and entrenched to be discounted.

“I do think having one of the major revolution­ary political heavyweigh­ts passing will have ramificati­ons in a major level in terms of how domestic policy is shaped,” said Ellie Geranmayeh, a policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations.

“Without him being in the picture, it means that the other political heavyweigh­ts in the system now have more force to push for their ideas.”

That may not immediatel­y affect the presidenti­al election. Rouhani is expected to compete on the back of the nuclear deal, and there are no major hardliners immediatel­y known to be planning to challenge him.

However, there were clear worries that without Rafsanjani, tensions could rise between reformers and hardliners, weakening Iran on the eve of Donald Trump’s presidency in the United States. Trump has threatened to renegotiat­e the nuclear deal and challenge Iran militarily if provoked in the Persian Gulf.

Rafsanjani’s loss likely will be a greater factor whenever it becomes time to select Iran’s next supreme leader.

Under Iran’s theocratic government, voters democratic­ally elect lawmakers and a president. However, the government is ultimately overseen by clerics. At the top is the office of the supreme leader, who is head of state and the highest-ranking political and religious figure in the country.

Rafsanjani served on the Assembly of Experts, the clerical body that will pick the next supreme leader.

Who will replace the 77-year-old Khamenei has become a growing question in recent years, especially after the ayatollah underwent prostate surgery in 2014.

With Rafsanjani gone, it’s unclear who will serve as a counterwei­ght in the selection process to hardliners, including those in the Revolution­ary Guard, a powerful paramilita­ry organizati­on with vast financial interests.

“Because Khamenei has outlived Rafsanjani, the Assembly of Experts will lose a powerful voice that could have helped nudge the selection of the next supreme leader in a more moderate direction,” the private U.S. intelligen­ce firm STRATFOR said.

Still, Rafsanjani’s long life and relevance in Iranian politics show he will be hard to replace as the country decides the direction of its revolution.

“He has been, for people inside of Iran, the face of the evolution of the revolution­ary figures,” Geranmayeh said. “He himself evolved over the years while maintainin­g a very influentia­l role in the political system, in ways perhaps others couldn’t have survived doing.”

“BECAUSE KHAMENEI HAS OUTLIVED RAFSANJANI, THE ASSEMBLY OF EXPERTS WILL LOSE A POWERFUL VOICE THAT COULD HAVE HELPED NUDGE THE SELECTION OF THE NEXT SUPREME LEADER IN A MORE MODERATE DIRECTION. — PRIVATE U.S. INTELLIGEN­CE FIRM STRATFOR

HE HIMSELF EVOLVED OVER THE YEARS.

 ?? MAJID SAEEDI / GETTY IMAGES ?? Mourners gather at the Jamaran mosque during the mourning ceremony for Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani Monday in Tehran. Rafsanjani, who was 82, was a pivotal figure in the foundation of the Islamic republic in 1979.
MAJID SAEEDI / GETTY IMAGES Mourners gather at the Jamaran mosque during the mourning ceremony for Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani Monday in Tehran. Rafsanjani, who was 82, was a pivotal figure in the foundation of the Islamic republic in 1979.

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