National Post (National Edition)

Alberta NDP, wake up, smell coffee

- Western Business Columnist CLAUDIA CATTANEO

In a column in the Calgary Herald on Friday, Alberta’s energy minister, Marg McCuaig-Boyd, writes it is “false” there is a loss of support among major oilsands companies for her province’s climate leadership plan and asks this writer for suggestion­s about better ideas to get pipelines approved.

Here are some thoughts: Stop relying on the environmen­tal lobby to decide the future of Canada’s energy industry and step up the defence of pipelines because they are in the national interest and a national obligation. It’s the difference between allowing economic self-mutilation to win the approval of interest groups who will never give it, and being a champion of Alberta’s livelihood and environmen­tal record.

Putting on the shelf the 100-megatonne-a-year emissions cap for the oilsands until proposed pipelines are built would be a concrete way to start. Acknowledg­ing that under her watch Alberta’s oil and gas sector has lost its confidence would be helpful.

Her NDP government should have noticed by now — given that proposed Canadian pipelines remain as challenged as ever, whether to the West or East coasts — that the green lobby has one goal: to shut down the oilsands. No amount of regulation, emissions restraint or carbon taxes will do.

Just look at B.C., where a supposedly kindred NDP government supported by the same green lobby is hell bent on blocking the Trans Mountain expansion so vital to Alberta’s NDP. Let’s see whether the federal Liberals, similarly beholden to environmen­talists, are prepared to call in the army to defend the pipeline’s constructi­on this fall.

So far, all we have for sure, both in Alberta and federally, is the subjugatio­n of an industry to environmen­tal goals, specifical­ly carbon emissions reductions. These policies target the oilsands like nothing else, with the enthusiast­ic approval of the Alberta government.

News that the federal Liberals are thinking of sidelining the Calgary-based National Energy Board in favour of putting the Canadian Environmen­tal Assessment Agency in charge of pipeline reviews would be another blow for the energy sector and for Alberta, while giving more clout to environmen­tal organizati­ons to kill projects. It’s what environmen­tal groups have wanted all along.

The change would pile on to new regulation­s to take into account greenhouse gas emissions of projects, plus Alberta’s new hurdles for oilsands projects. Of these, the 100-megatonne cap is the most destructiv­e.

Why would anyone invest in a notoriousl­y longterm business if it runs out of room in the next 10 years, where existing plants would be shut down if emissions hit the limit, where new projects would be put on hold if recommenda­tions to the government by a panel including environmen­tal activists are implemente­d? Besides, isn’t it overkill to have a cap on emissions if there is already a hefty carbon tax?

The cap, proposed by four oilsands firms and by four environmen­tal groups, was a bad deal cut in a time of panic. Anti-oil Barack Obama was in the White House, the Paris climate deal was looming, and the oil business was on its knees due to the collapse in price. In her column, McCuaig-Boyd says the four oilsands companies that helped design the cap — Suncor, Shell, CNRL and Cenovus — remain supportive.

“This is the same plan cited by the federal government as essential to its approval of two new pipelines last fall,” McCuaig-Boyd writes. “It means production can continue to increase — rising this year to record levels — while reducing the carbon intensity from every barrel.”

The oilsands industry is trying hard to make things work. But the price is high and the results are in plain sight: empty office towers, high unemployme­nt, weak stock prices, low spending.

It’s a fact that three of four of those oilsands leaders are no longer in their positions or in the country, and that the conditions they helped create made things worse, not better, for their companies.

It’s a fact that companies that have other choices, like internatio­nal companies including Shell, have exited the business; that smaller oilsands entreprene­urial companies are suffering from a lack of capital; that many other oilsands firms remain opposed; that investors have taken their cash elsewhere.

As RBC Capital Markets analysts say in a report to clients this week: “Recent sales by Shell, ConocoPhil­lips and Marathon Oil totalling approximat­ely $26 billion reflect a host of factors, including portfolio optimizati­on, oil supply costs, deleveragi­ng thrusts and ESG (environmen­tal, social and governance) considerat­ions … The exodus should raise alarm bells amongst Canada’s policy-makers. Oil prices aside, Canada’s export pipeline melodrama underway since 2013 is underminin­g the next major wave of oilsands developmen­t because market access costs are set to rise.”

And then there is the reality south of the border, where U.S. President Donald Trump is not only prioritizi­ng energy over climate change, but this week announced a policy of energy dominance involving increased exports of natural gas, coal and oil. How do Alberta and Canada justify its oilsands restraint in the face of that?

McCuaig-Boyd argues that the naysayers should “stop betting against Alberta.” The naysayers are not betting against Alberta. They’re betting against bad policies and government­s that fail to see the damage they create.

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