National Post (National Edition)

Liberals’ retweet strategy isn’t actually helping

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This week offered the federal government two opportunit­ies to show real leadership and wisdom on matters impacting Canada’s relationsh­ip with Indigenous peoples. And twice, the Trudeau Liberals disappoint­ed.

First, came the reaction of the prime minister and his cabinet ministers to the acquittal of Saskatchew­an farmer Gerald Stanley who shot Colten Boushie, a young man from the Cree Red Pheasant First Nation. The details of the case are not simple, but in short, Boushie and several friends, who had been drinking and were driving around with a rifle, were spotted by Stanley on his property. They were not just trespassin­g but allegedly causing trouble, including trying to steal a vehicle. Stanley armed himself with an old pistol and, during the course of a confrontat­ion, the gun discharged in the direction of Boushie, killing him. The circumstan­ces were certainly enough to warrant an investigat­ion, and the Crown proceeded with charges of second-degree murder. Last week, a jury acquitted Stanley after he claimed, improbably but not impossibly, that the pistol’s discharge was unintended, a tragic accident caused by balky ammunition.

The jury that acquitted Stanley was, as has now been widely reported, extremely white. Indigenous people were part of the jury selection pool, as required by the law, but in part because the Criminal Code allows lawyers from each side to somewhat engineer the jury with a limited right to veto potential jurors, no Aboriginal­s evidently made it on. In an already racially charged case, the acquittal immediatel­y led to accusation­s of jury racism and demands to fix the system. That’s a reasonable reaction, and it’s a matter that deserves at least some debate. But what is not reasonable is the comments that emerged from cabinet ministers, who ought to know better, in the hours after the verdict, effectivel­y taking sides in a criminal case that had just been decided by the courts.

The prime minister tweeted immediatel­y after the verdict that he had been speaking about the trial with Justice Minister Jody Wilson-Raybould. He was “sending love” to the Boushie family, and could not “imagine the grief and sorrow” the verdict was causing them. Fair enough. But then the justice minister, a former Crown prosecutor herself, not so subtly denigrated Canada’s justice system when she tweeted: “My thoughts are with the family of Colton Boushie tonight. I truly feel your pain and I hear all of your voices. As a country we can and must do better — I am committed to working everyday to ensure justice for all Canadians.” Indigenous Services Minister Jane Philpott had much the same reaction, making it clear she thought Stanley would have been convicted but for Canada’s unfair, racist justice system: “Devastatin­g news tonight for the family & friends of #ColtenBous­hie. My thoughts & prayers are with you in your time of grief & pain. We all have more to do to improve justice & fairness for Indigenous Canadians.”

We see nothing wrong with the prime minister speaking with a bereaved family and expressing sympathy for their legitimate pain. But his cabinet ministers went much further. They went too far. A legally constitute­d jury oversaw a fair trial and rendered a verdict in a process that can be, at the Crown’s discretion, appealed. No one is obliged to like the outcome, but all Canadians — especially members of the government’s executive branch — should respect the independen­ce of the judicial process. Ministers of the Crown owe all Canadians, Indigenous and non-Indigenous, a better standard than justice by social media.

The Trudeau government as a whole, however, can’t seem to stop thinking its primary role is blurting out compassion­ate-sounding bromides while failing to follow up with policy ideas that actually help people. First Nations people above all have noticed the act is wearing thin (even WilsonRayb­ould’s father, a longtime Indigenous rights leader, has become a critic). Like on Wednesday, after a meeting with the Boushie family, when the prime minister announced to Parliament that his government would be pursuing “a new recognitio­n and implementa­tion of Indigenous rights framework that will include new ways to recognize and implement Indigenous rights.”

“This will include,” he continued, “new recognitio­n and implementa­tion of rights legislatio­n. Going forward recognitio­n of rights will guide all government interactio­ns with Indigenous peoples.”

The speech had been long coming. Given the public outpouring of support by his cabinet for Boushie’s family, it took on extra importance. And ... there wasn’t much there. Once you set aside the aspiration­al bits and progressiv­e platitudes, all that was left was a promise that he would be “engaging the provinces and territorie­s and non-Indigenous Canadians” and that said engagement­s would eventually produce legislatio­n.

What will the bills propose? When will the engagement­s start? How long will they last? What’s the goal? How will success be measured? Stay tuned, apparently.

It’s not good enough. The prime minister can give a decent speech, we grant that (he gets a lot of practice). It’s turning words into actions and tweets into change where this government has repeatedly come up short.

Just this week, a new report measured the Liberals’ performanc­e on their vow to end long-term boil-water advisories on reserves. It came up with a failing grade. There are basic, pressing issues that matter much more than “frameworks” and retweets.

The Liberals will no doubt tell us they’ll do better this time. That they’ll clean up the water, decolonize our laws and deliver justice for the Boushies and every other First Nations person. They will sound like they mean it. But does anyone really believe it anymore?

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