National Post (National Edition)

IT’S TIME FOR TRUDEAU TO LAY DOWN THE LAW ON B.C.

- Ccattaneo@postmedia.com Financial Post Financial Post bcritchley@postmedia.com

to use it.

On the legal front, Horgan is emerging as an emperor with no clothes on the $7.4 billion project, which he wants to stop at any cost because his minority government depends on three Green MLAs to stay in power.

Calgary Senator Doug Black, an energy lawyer, said it’s been obvious for months Horgan’s intentions are not legitimate.

“They are endeavouri­ng to use the courts inappropri­ately as a tool,” he said. “They are not interested in the law. They are interested in delay and frustratin­g.”

Law-abiding British Columbians should be concerned by revelation­s this week that their premier has known since his first days as the head of government last summer that his top campaign pledge — to “use all tools in the toolbox” to kill the project — was legally indefensib­le.

Here’s how George Heyman, the environmen­t minister, spilled the beans following relentless questionin­g from Liberal Mike de Jong in the Victoria legislatur­e this week:

“When the Premier offered me the position of minister of environmen­t and climate change strategy, and asked if I was interested and had a discussion with me about what I would see in my mandate letter, he was very clear that as part of transition, he had been given the legal advice that stopping the project was beyond the jurisdicti­on of B.C., and to talk about it or frame our actions around doing that, as opposed to defending B.C.’s coast through a variety of measures that were within our jurisdicti­on, would be inappropri­ate and unlawful.”

That’s why, Heyman said, his government’s strategy has switched to “apply conditions that are attached to the environmen­tal assessment, a certificat­e, and to propose regulation­s to defend B.C.’s coast, but it is not appropriat­e to “stop the project” or to delay the project through anything other than even-handed considerat­ion of permit applicatio­ns. That is what we have tried to do at every step of the way.”

The problem is Horgan has continued to threaten to do whatever it takes to stop the project, while being dismissive of concerns he’s pushing the country into a constituti­onal crisis and exposing British Columbians to billions in liability if project proponent Kinder Morgan Canada Ltd. pulls out and sues to recover its losses. The company has already halted work and threatened to walk away, blaming continuing harassment from the B.C. government.

Horgan’s explanatio­n: “We said during the election campaign that we felt the National Energy Board process was flawed,” he said in the legislatur­e. “And it turns out that the federal government agrees. After they made the flawed decision on Kinder Morgan, the federal government is now rewriting the National Energy Board processes, because they recognize they’re inadequate. I say, for British Columbians, we shouldn’t have to take the last bad decision by the NEB. We should revisit this thing in the interest of British Columbia to defend our coast and defend our interests.”

It could get worse for Horgan. The Federal Court of Appeal is expected to rule any day on a challenge of the National Energy Board permit to build the Trans Mountain expansion based on claims that Ottawa failed to properly consult Indigenous communitie­s and others. Horgan joined that challenge last fall and is counting on a victory. So far Trans Mountain has won in court 14 to 0 and the Alberta government, which sided with Trans Mountain, is very confident the court will uphold the permit.

Horgan has another legal Hail Mary pass up his sleeve, a reference case to determine whether B.C. has any jurisdicti­on over Trans Mountain. So far nothing has been filed and the court hasn’t been determined, Heyman said.

In contrast, here’s what is really happening, legally and otherwise, that could seriously clip Horgan’s wings: On Monday, Alberta will put in motion legislatio­n to cut off B.C. Premier John Horgan, left, and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, along with Alberta Premier Rachel Notley, will meet Sunday over the Trans Mountain dispute. oil supplies to B.C., a measure that is expected to boost already high gasoline prices in the Lower Mainland.

On Tuesday, the Senate will continue debate on a bill introduced by Senator Black to declare the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion a work for the general advantage of Canada. If passed, Black said it would give Ottawa complete control and force Horgan to stand down. “Then he can sputter all he wants, but he can’t do anything to imperil the project,” Black said.

Other measures are also being considered, such as government investment in the pipeline and cutting off $4.1-billion in federal infrastruc­ture funding in B.C.

It’s possible Trudeau has convened the meeting just to show Canadians he’s on top of the file. Expectatio­ns of a truce are low. Horgan has already said: “There is nothing to stand down from. We are in court. We are going to stay in court.” Indeed.

One of the big problems with Canada’s pipeline struggles is that it costs little or nothing to oppose them. The Prime Minister can fix that by making it clear on Sunday that opposition to a lawfully approved project – such as the one incited by Horgan — comes with consequenc­es. both the valuation published by the analysts and to the company’s IFRS valuation (US$6.53) of its net asset value. And an all-cash sale would have meant the end of any alternativ­e dilutive transactio­n.

And that may have been the real motivation for Vision to go public with its views: It didn’t want the target spending time trying to round up an alternativ­e transactio­n.

One such alternativ­e transactio­n could have been a vending in of some privately held real estate assets, a move that would have been dilutive if the vendor had been paid in stock. And it may not have been shareholde­r friendly given that such stock issuance may not have required a shareholde­r vote.

And an acquisitio­n, if that was the plan, presumably would have required issuing shares (not cash) to the vendor. How come? Raising equity at a price below what Electra was prepared to offer would seem to be an obvious non-starter.

Andrew Greig, Pure’s vice-president of investor relations, said any questions about issuing equity, and at what price, was “a hypothetic­al situation.”

As for taking on additional bank or mortgage debt to make an acquisitio­n, that seems unlikely given that the issuer touted its success in reducing its debt-to-gross book value ratio when it released in 2017 financial statements in March. What’s next? Greig said the board and the special committee overseeing the strategic review is going through its process. “It’s beginning,” he said, adding, “Electra has not been withdrawn from the list of potential suitors. We are opening the doors to others.”

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