National Post (National Edition)

Why spend billions for no public benef it?

- CASS SUNSTEIN

Should a U.S. federal agency issue a regulation that will impose up to US$3.5 billion in costs next year, and billions more in the coming decade — while delivering essentiall­y no benefits?

That sounds crazy. But a few weeks ago, the U.S. Department of Agricultur­e proposed to do exactly that.

OK, not exactly — but pretty close. The proposal is the outgrowth of the longstandi­ng national battle over whether to require labels for bioenginee­red (or geneticall­y modified) foods. The USDA’S analysis of costs and benefits deserves careful attention, even if it raises serious questions about its own proposal.

In the summer of 2016, Congress required the USDA to impose such labels. Last month, the department responded by inviting public comments on the rule, called the Proposed National Bioenginee­red Food Disclosure Standard.

The department was candid about the high costs of its proposal. In the first year, companies — mostly food manufactur­ers — would have to spend somewhere between US$600 million and US$3.5 billion in compliance costs. (The range reflects uncertaint­y about some assumption­s behind the estimates.) After an initial period of learning and adjustment, the annual costs would range from US$132 million to US$330 million. In the history of federal regulation, that may not qualify as monstrousl­y expensive, but it’s a lot.

What do the American people get in return?

The department notes that there is no evidence that bioenginee­red food causes health risks. For that reason, its disclosure standard “is not intended to convey safety or health informatio­n.” It added that the rule “is not expected to have any benefits to human health or the environmen­t.”

To drive the point home, it found that even if the new labels change the ratio of bioenginee­red to non-bioenginee­red food purchases, “there would be no impacts on human health or the environmen­t.” That’s not a partisan conclusion. It is supported by the National Academy of Sciences, and in general it reflects the views of experts in both Republican and Democratic administra­tions. (To be sure, some experts do not rule out possible environmen­tal risks.)

But that wasn’t the end of the story. The Department of Agricultur­e noted that many consumers have indicated an interest in the informatio­n and, in some surveys, say they would pay something to get it.

But the USDA didn’t trust those studies. People’s answers to survey questions may overstate their actual level of concern. And if people want to know whether food is bioenginee­red, it might be because they wrongly believe that it is unhealthy. If so, regulators should correct their mistake rather than cater to it.

At the same time, the department was aware that if the federal government did nothing, manufactur­ers might face a costly system of state-level labelling requiremen­ts. In 2014, Vermont enacted mandatory labelling legislatio­n. In fact, that enactment provided the impetus for the federal legislatio­n, which pre-empted state requiremen­ts, and so attracted support from manufactur­ers who favoured federal uniformity (and a less aggressive set of labelling standards).

The upshot of the USDA’S analysis is that if all manufactur­ers complied with Vermont’s approach, so that it became the de facto national standard, they would far higher costs than the federal proposal — between US$1.9 billion and US$6.8 billion in the first year alone. To that extent, the national standard would have benefits in the form of the cost savings.

It’s possible that manufactur­ers would not adopt the Vermont standard nationally. If they adopted it only in the Northeast, it would be less costly — in the USDA’S accounting, about the same as the federal proposal. The department also noted that without the federal standard, various states might

PRE-EMPT STATE LAWS THAT WOULD BE MORE COSTLY STILL!

mandate labels. It was unable to specify the resulting costs but said they would be very high.

In short: The federal disclosure standard would have no benefits for anyone — except insofar as it would preempt state laws that would be more costly still!

To be sure, the USDA could have tried to quantify benefits by referring to studies indicating that consumers would be willing to pay for the labels. In addition, some analysts suggest that in the face of uncertain, incomplete­ly understood risks of catastroph­e, it makes sense to take precaution­s; some people, fearing environmen­tal risks, believe that bioenginee­red food falls in that category.

It might have been productive for the department to engage these points. But it is clear that even if it had done so, it would have been reluctant to conclude that its proposal made much sense (even though it was mandated by law).

Skeptics might expect a federal agency in the Trump administra­tion to highlight evidence against new regulation in any case. But the USDA’S analysis is consistent with the scientific consensus; it does not depart from the views of federal regulators in the Obama administra­tion.

Here’s a simple summary of its conclusion: no government, federal or state, should be mandating labels for bioenginee­red foods.

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