National Post (National Edition)

Canadians know nothing about their Supreme Court. It’s a problem.

- ANDREW LAWTON National Post andrew@andrewlawt­on.ca Twitter.com/andrewlawt­on Andrew Lawton is a fellow at the True North Initiative.

Frenzy overtook the United States when Supreme Court justice Anthony Kennedy announced his retirement last month. It was a far cry from when former Canadian chief justice Beverley Mclachlin announced her retirement last year and Canadians breathed a collective “Who?”

This is among the starkest of difference­s between the political cultures and Canada and the United States.

In American politics, a Supreme Court vacancy means countless news cycles: weeks of speculatio­n about potential nominees, followed by days of in-depth coverage about the nominee, capped off with weeks of confirmati­on hearings. This is because it’s significan­t. Putting the right justice on the bench can shape a president’s legacy in monumental ways.

In each of their eight years, Barack Obama and George W. Bush installed two Supreme Court justices. Donald Trump will accomplish the same with less than two years in office. If Trump wins a second term, he may well get another two vacancies to work with, with 85-year-old Ruth Bader Ginsburg and 79-year-old Stephen Breyer — both appointed by Bill Clinton — holding down the older side of the bench.

American politician­s — and their voters, for that matter — understand the stakes of the court. Canadians couldn’t care less.

In Canada, there’s no drive to understand whether a potential justice is pro-life, or religious, or a strict constituti­onalist. In the United States, these same people are lightning rods in the culture war over these very issues.

One could argue that having an expectatio­n judges will rule along ideologica­l lines based on who appointed them defeats the purpose of a supposedly apolitical judiciary. This is inevitable, however, when so much politics is dispensed from the judiciary. Our era is one of governance from the bench, meaning Canadians would do well to pay attention to what happens there.

I asked a room full of politicall­y-minded folks last week how many people could name a single Canadian Supreme Court justice (making sure to tell them Mclachlin had retired.) I didn’t get a single response. This complacenc­y undercuts our ability to be outraged — or even surprised — when the benchers make the wrong call.

The Trinity Western University ruling, for example. The majority of justices found that the Law Society of Upper Canada (now the Law Society of Ontario) infringed upon TWU’S Charter rights, but it was OK because the law society’s decision “represents a proportion­ate balance between the limitation on freedom of religion guaranteed by s. 2 (a) of the Charter and the statutory objectives that the LSUC sought to pursue.”

In other words, the court ruled that the constituti­on, instead of having the final say, must be “balanced” against a lesser administra­tive body’s mandate.

Admittedly, it may be difficult to find a strict constituti­onalist in a country that lacks a strict constituti­on, but were Canadians more engaged in — or at least aware of — the process by which the Supreme Court is formed, judicial appointmen­ts would come with much more accountabi­lity.

From religious freedom to mandatory minimum sentences to something as seemingly trivial as driving beer across provincial boundaries, in all of these areas the Supreme Court has ruled against what most would describe as the conservati­ve position. Even after 10 years of a Conservati­ve government that appointed six of the nine current Supreme Court justices. Even Richard Wagner, the new Chief Justice, was appointed by Stephen Harper.

While Canadian Conservati­ves sound the alarm about Supreme Court rulings, they should actually be looking to the lawmakers who had a hand in shaping the court that made them. Like the Senate, the Supreme Court’s makeup and influence outlast the government of the day: justices in Canada are appointed until they turn 75. Not the lifetime appointmen­t that exists on the bench in the United States, but still a term that can span decades.

While I’m sympatheti­c to the argument that America’s approach to the Supreme Court is far too polarized, I will take that over Canada’s ambivalenc­e to it. The polarizati­on is a byproduct of a country that is invested in its court in a way that Canada must be.

We wouldn’t stand for laws being passed by faceless agents in a back room, so we certainly shouldn’t be content with faceless judges interpreti­ng them.

 ?? JUSTIN TANG / THE CANADIAN PRESS FILES ?? Supreme Court of Canada chief justice Richard Wagner in March. Andrew Lawton writes a room full of people couldn’t name a single Canadian Supreme Court Justice.
JUSTIN TANG / THE CANADIAN PRESS FILES Supreme Court of Canada chief justice Richard Wagner in March. Andrew Lawton writes a room full of people couldn’t name a single Canadian Supreme Court Justice.

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