National Post (National Edition)
Netanyahu survives latest bare-knuckle political bout.
By any measure, after the past two weeks of brutal, brass-knuckled political street-fighting, PM Benjamin Netanyahu should have been knocked out. Cold.
Not only is he still standing but, in some ways, he has reinforced his power. Even his detractors — and there are many — marvel at his ability to outfox the wiliest political adversaries, leaving them panting as he takes yet another victory lap without appearing to break a sweat.
On Nov. 14, two days after Hamas pelted Israeli civilians with almost 500 rockets in 24 hours, Avigdor Lieberman, the hawkish minister of defence, stunned the nation by resigning, effective immediately. His purported reason for doing so was that he could not stand by and capitulate to terror, as he accused Netanyahu of doing, when Israel agreed to a ceasefire agreement. It was time, Lieberman said, to fight for the honour and safety of the nation. Lieberman’s gamble — which he likely calculated would result in elections being called immediately — left the governing coalition with a razor-thin one-seat majority.
Enter Minister of Education and coalition member Naftali Bennett. Smelling blood, Bennett immediately demanded the Defence portfolio or threatened that he, too, would abandon the governing coalition, eliminating the governing majority and forcing an election.
Joining the pile-on were two other cabinet members leading small parties in the coalition. They were all over the media expressing strong support for an immediate election call rather than capitulating to Bennett’s demands.
By law, the next Israeli national election must be held by November 2019, and the remaining coalition members further felt that governing with a one-seat majority in the fourth year of a mandate would be virtually impossible, necessitating a national vote. And, then, this happened. Netanyahu called a last-minute press conference on Nov. 18, timed to interrupt the main evening newscast, ensuring maximum exposure and impact. Israel is a news-obsessed nation, particularly in times of crisis, which this surely was.
Conjecture was wild. Even Netanyahu’s staunchest backers were whispering that he may finally have been cornered. His detractors were cautiously gleeful. Would he capitulate, again, this time to Bennett? Call an early snap election? Or, would he manage, as he always does, to pull yet another proverbial rabbit out of the hat?
Netanyahu strode very purposefully into the conference room at IDF headquarters in Tel Aviv. He is a brilliant orator and off-the-cuff speaker, but that night he was, uncharacteristically, in no mood for repartee or clever banter. In mere minutes, he told the media that Israel was in the midst of an extremely dire security predicament. Likely hoping to nail shut Lieberman’s political coffin, Netanyahu said that to resign from such a critical portfolio and hand the Hamas government in Gaza an opportunity to characterize its missile attack on Israel as a victory, was grievously irresponsible. Israel, the prime minister intoned, must be strong and resolute, particularly now.
In his next breath, Netanyahu marginalized Bennett, making it clear that he would not be appointed minister of defence. Instead, the prime minister would assume that portfolio, in addition to his already rather heavy load — prime minister, and the health, absorption (of immigrants) and foreign affairs files. He intimated that he may consider appointing someone else to foreign affairs, but provided no specifics. (As a side note, one might expect this unprecedented consolidation of power in a democracy to be more than a little worrisome, but it has attracted remarkably little comment.)
Maintaining a grim but strong demeanour and visage throughout, Netanyahu refused all questions, half grumbling as he left: “I’ve got to get back to work.”
In other words: I’m busy working, day and night, for the security of Israel, not seeking opportunities to enhance my personal political fortunes.
And that. Was that. Bennett was reduced to backing down, admitting that he had squandered significant political capital in the process. Lieberman now seemed like a small-minded provocateur, not to mention his willingness to compromise national security for his own political gain.
And Netanyahu? The improbable victor, leaving media and political opponents slack-jawed and reluctantly conceding that his Hebrew-language nicknames — the “magician” and “King Bibi” — were well-earned. He is, simply, peerless, when it comes to political acumen and nerve, not to mention his sheer brilliance intellectually, and with communication skill and timing.
Since that showdown, Netanyahu has chalked up several significant diplomatic triumphs, continuing a remarkable trend in improving Israeli relations with Arab, Muslim, African and Asian countries that have shunned the Jewish state for decades. The political crisis for others? A mere hiccup. Business as usual.
Last Sunday, he underscored the message with heavily publicized and significant military exercises on the southern and northern fronts, clearly intended to signal to Hezbollah, Iran, Syria and Hamas that Israel can manage and withstand a multi-front conflict, should circumstances warrant.
Further reinforcing the message that military preparedness and focus are as sharp as ever, also on Sunday, the Cabinet confirmed the appointment of the next Israel Defense Forces chief of staff, Aviv Kochavi.
Israel will not skip a beat, Netanyahu is telegraphing. Lieberman was a blip: a petty, grasping, faded politician. He is over and done.
Two weeks ago, I, too, thought it was “game over” for Netanyahu, and, was clearly, very wrong. If an election were held today, his Likud party would win the most mandates, by a long shot, making it likely he would lead yet another coalition government. They don’t call him King Bibi for nothing.