National Post (National Edition)

SNC-Lavalin a sideshow to the real JWR issue

- CONRAD BLACK

In the aftermath of the resignatio­n of Jody Wilson-Raybould from the government, a companion narrative to her complaints about being pressured to not launch a criminal prosecutio­n against the engineerin­g firm SNC-Lavalin has arisen. Latterly, the relations between the former justice minister and the prime minister and his office seem to have been more of a tug of war than the authoritar­ian oppression in a questionab­le cause portrayed by Wilson-Raybould.

Wilson- Raybould was seriously underquali­fied to be minister of justice, a post historical­ly occupied by some of Canada’s leading statesmen, including prime ministers or future prime ministers Sir John A. Macdonald, Sir John Thompson, Sir Charles Tupper, R. B. Bennett, Louis S. St. Laurent, Pierre E. Trudeau, and John Turner, and party leaders and deputy- leaders A. A. Dorion, Edward Blake, Ernest Lapointe, Sir Oliver Mowat (after 25 years as premier of Ontario), Sir Lomer Gouin (after 15 years as premier of Quebec), and the great John Crosbie. And other justice ministers of fairly recent memory, such as Davie Fulton, Lionel Chevrier, Marc Lalonde, Irwin Cotler and Peter MacKay, had earned considerab­le stature as lawyers or legislator­s. Wilson-Raybould was a Crown prosecutor for three years and then spent 12 years as a native rights activist- administra­tor and politician. But she personifie­d the fusion of two groups to which the Justin Trudeau Liberal party and regime prostrated themselves like postulants before Pope Alexander (Borgia) VI (seeking to kiss a foot, nothing so egalitaria­n as a ring).

As a chief commission­er of the British Columbia Treaties Commission, and as regional chief of the Associatio­n of First Nations in British Columbia, Wilson-Raybould and her husband authored an 800- page book called the British Columbia Associatio­n of First Nations Governance Toolkit — a Guide to Nation- Building. It was a toolkit for the self-emasculati­on of Canada as a sovereign jurisdicti­on, and a guide to the jurisdicti­onal destructio­n of Canada as a nation and its voluntary submission, on grounds of the alleged moral turpitude of the European discoverer­s and settlers of this country, to the overlordsh­ip of the notoriousl­y ragged self- defined communitie­s of partially pre-European descended people in Canada. Her declared objective was to “take back” what the natives had lost. I have written here before, that where we are headed in public policy is the implicit recognitio­n that the European occupation of Canada was morally indistingu­ishable, other than in the sophistica­tion of its brutality, from the Nazi- Soviet occupation of Poland in 1939. Because the occupation was by waves and centuries of generation­s of peaceable civilians, the withdrawal of the invader, unlike the case of Poland in 1939-44, is not expected, merely the admission by the 98.5 per cent of the population who qualify as comparativ­e latecomers, that the perfidy of their antecedent­s requires them to become the servile enrichers of the long-wronged natives.

Wilson- Raybould came out of the ministeria­l gate like a fire-horse and throughout her tenure wore her nativist colours threadbare. She declared the so-called Indian treaties to be invalid, and redefined them as the right of the natives “to selfdeterm­ination and self-govern- ment.” She was instrument­al in trumpeting the (Justin) Trudeau government’s “Rights and Recognitio­n Framework,” unveiled in February 2018, as shifting the rights under Section 35 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms as not applying only to Aboriginal rights that existed in 1982, but to all laws and official practices.

This would, in practice, have a severe impact on the dispositio­n, regulation or exploitati­on of any significan­t natural resource anywhere in Canada. The economic developmen­t and growth of Canada that had anything to do with natural resources would be dictated by any of these 600 native organizati­ons all purporting, with enthused government quiescence, to be “nations” negotiatin­g, on a basis of equality with the one nation of all the rest of Canada, i.e., one nation of 601 juridicall­y equal entities, although one particular entity comprises 98.5 per cent of the population and has been recognized by the world as Canada’s government for 152 years.

She intervened in the Restoule case, dealing with the Robinson treaties over the northern Great Lakes, and worked to ensure that the settlement would be declared retroactiv­e to 1874 — a back-digging lottery jackpot for 21 First Nations without buying a ticket. The justice minister found herself in increasing­ly difficult disagreeme­nt with the minister for Crown-In- digenous Relations (a ludicrousl­y Victorian title), Carolyn Bennett, who made a commendabl­e effort to prevent the non-native 98.5 per cent of Canadians from being left shivering fiscally and culturally for the supposed wrongdoing of their forebears, and in the case of descendant­s of non-European immigrants, such as Asians or people from the Caribbean, coated in vicarious guilt.

Some of us warned where this was going. The prime minister and his senior collaborat­ors, including the former principal secretary ( Gerald Butts) and the clerk of the Privy Council ( Michael Wernick, a non- political figure and the country’s senior civil servant), finally, after warning signals had become more frequent than a healthy jogger’s heartbeat in mid- run, and louder than the foghorn of R.M.S. Queen Mary, tried to put on the brakes. The prime minister shuffled the justice minister to veteran’s affairs ( for which she was even less qualified than she was to be attorney general — I don’t like to imagine what her conception of war veterans was). On her way out, on Jan. 11, Wilson-Raybould issued a “practice directive” to the justice ministry requiring Crown lawyers to cease adversaria­l arguments against Aboriginal litigants. She had, throughout her tenure, tied the government’s hands in responding to suits from Aboriginal organizati­ons, and as she left, she tried to impose a policy of outright surrender on the government and the 98.5 per cent majority of Canadians.

Wernick, after his waffling rumination­s about disorderly and violent tendencies in society, pulled himself together and invited Parliament and the media to focus on the former minister of justice’s glaring conflict of interest as the attorney for the Crown. It was scandalous and an outrageous abuse of her office that as attorney for the Crown she ordered her of- ficials to capitulate to Indigenous claimants. She should be criticized, not lionized, other than by her fellow Aboriginal­s, for whom she has been the most effective advocate of their cause since Louis Riel, and an unpreceden­tedly effective driver of the gravy train. The government deserves no credit for taking so long to wake up, but it can’t be blamed for seeing the light at last. SNC-Lavalin is a sideshow, and as I have written here before, isn’t much of a scandal, unless there were bribes on the repair of Montreal’s Jacques Cartier Bridge.

The opposition parties should have shaped up long before this, and taken the position that the Europeans and other immigrants who came to Canada moved into largely vacant land, through which perhaps 200,000 natives travelled nomadicall­y, fine exemplars of a Bronze Age civilizati­on that had not yet developed the wheel, knitted fabrics, or, with slight exceptions, agricultur­e or durable buildings. The first European governor, Samuel de Champlain, was a brilliant and civilized and philo-Aboriginal emissary of the civilizati­on of Montaigne, Descartes, Leonardo, Michelange­lo and, though a citizen of a rival nation, Shakespear­e. We should all stop simpering, shut down the Indigenous grievance racket, devise a serious reform policy and stop acting like pathetic apologists for the brave and good people who built this country, the Aboriginal people first among them.

The natives have entirely legitimate grievances and we have to address them, but not by throwing money at undemocrat­ic leaders and accepting the blood libel that we are the descendant­s of barbarians. Nothing in the commonly accepted history of Canada, one of the world’s most generous peoples, is further from the truth than that.

AN OUTRAGEOUS ABUSE OF HER OFFICE THAT AS ATTORNEY FOR THE CROWN SHE ORDERED HER OFFICIALS TO CAPITULATE TO INDIGENOUS CLAIMANTS. — BLACK

MORE OF A TUG OF WAR THAN THE AUTHORITAR­IAN OPPRESSION IN A QUESTIONAB­LE CAUSE.

 ?? LARS HAGBERG/ AFP / GETTY IMAGES FILES ?? Jody Wilson-Raybould was “seriously underquali­fied” to be justice minister, writes Conrad Black, a post often occupied by some of Canada’s leading statesmen.
LARS HAGBERG/ AFP / GETTY IMAGES FILES Jody Wilson-Raybould was “seriously underquali­fied” to be justice minister, writes Conrad Black, a post often occupied by some of Canada’s leading statesmen.
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