National Post (National Edition)

SORRY NOT SORRY

Trudeau walks a fine line between ‘taking responsibi­lity’ and apologizin­g... ... But can you have one without the other? Joseph Brean reads between the lines.

- JOSEPH BREAN

In the dramaturgi­cal history of Canadian politics, it was a missed opportunit­y. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau had other things on the go this week, and it fell to Crown-Indigenous Relations Minister Carolyn Bennett to perform the apology to Inuit for the government killing of sled dogs after forced settlement during the Cold War.

Trudeau is good at saying sorry. He emotes convincing­ly on diverse topics, crying where appropriat­e. He is so practised at formal national apologies that academics have taken notice of what Angie Wong, who teaches women’s studies at Lakehead University, calls ”a new cultural dynamic of apologism in Canadian politics.” It might aim at welcoming historical­ly disadvanta­ged groups into the body politic, but Wong argues in a paper that an eager apology can seem like an inauthenti­c spectacle, falling short of actual atonement.

So even before this week’s revelation­s from Ethics Commission­er Mario Dion that Trudeau violated ethics rules by pressuring the former attorney general to accept a deal with SNC-Lavalin over alleged criminal corruption, Trudeau was already a Canadian case study in the psychology of apology, and the related but distinct moral notion of responsibi­lity.

Now, though, he is something closer to a riddle: What does a prime minister accept but deny, for which he takes responsibi­lity but cannot apologize? Answer: A violation of Canada’s Conflict of Interest Act.

“I fully accept this report… I take full responsibi­lity. The buck stops with the prime minister, and I assume responsibi­lity for everything that happened in my office. This is important because I truly feel that what happened over the past year shouldn’t have happened,” Trudeau told reporters in Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ont. “I take responsibi­lity for the mistakes that I made… What we did over the past year wasn’t good enough. But at the same time I can’t apologize for standing up for Canadian jobs.”

Each of those words make sense by themselves, but put together like that,

absent any hint of regret, they rankle some.

For Karina Schumann, a Canadian-educated psychologi­st who studies apology, forgivenes­s, revenge and empathy at the University of Pittsburgh, Trudeau is reminiscen­t of former U.S. president Bill Clinton. He was a “phenomenal apologizer” who set a high bar saying sorry for the Tuskegee study of untreated syphilis, but then “fell quite short” when his personal opportunit­y arose.

“They have this distance from the offence so they’re able to offer these apologies more sincerely,” Schumann said.

But when it comes to their own failings, they can apply a logician’s scalpel to their moral predicamen­t, finding galaxy-brain solutions that are not always convincing to the man on the street. Famously for Clinton, it was parsing what the meaning of “is” is. For Trudeau it is walking what Schumann calls the “fine line” of taking responsibi­lity for his mistakes while simultaneo­usly denying he did anything wrong.

There is something in the culture of the audience too. Public apologies have become part of the accepted script of redemption. In politics especially, apologies are “normative and expected,” Schumann said, and are therefore sometimes “diluted in their value.”

So not apologizin­g when the opportunit­y so clearly presents itself is all the more striking. “People are aware that an apology is missing,” Schumann said.

Why would he apologize, though? He is at no risk of formal sanction. Dion has no power to order penalties, so when Trudeau says he takes responsibi­lity, that is that. It is a statement more of fact than morality.

The partisan Liberal concern is obviously with the judgment of voters. Evidently a calculatio­n has been made about the public’s willingnes­s to either accept he did nothing wrong, or otherwise to forgive without being asked to. There may even be a certain charm in this air of defiance.

As Schumann sees it, Trudeau could apologize to Jody Wilson-Raybould, who resigned rather than capitulate and is running as an independen­t, now with her story vindicated. He could apologize for lying at the outset when he said initial reporting in The Globe and Mail was false. He could say sorry for the ethical breach as outlined in the commission­er’s report.

But as Trudeau has said, he does not believe he did anything wrong, notwithsta­nding his acceptance of the report that concluded he did.

“He has very little room to deny his behaviour anymore,” Schumann said. So he is “trying to justify his decision-making” and “moralize his behaviour… He’s still trying to say, ‘Look, I have your best interests at heart.’”

When people apologize, they usually take responsibi­lity. But not always. Sometimes people apologize for things beyond their control. And not vice versa.

“Taking responsibi­lity does not necessaril­y mean you accept wrongdoing,” said Michael Ross, distinguis­hed professor emeritus at the University of Waterloo. “That’s not so unusual.”

Part of apology is to acknowledg­e you cause harm, he said, but Trudeau does not feel he has to say those things, because he believes his intentions were honourable.

Timing matters, of course. “He’s had several opportunit­ies to take responsibi­lity. It’s too late after the fact,” said Wong.

In the broadest sense, responsibi­lity is a stereotypi­cally conservati­ve virtue, and apology is a liberal one.

Schumann said her research with others has shown that conservati­ves in general are both less likely to offer apologies and less likely to be impressed by them. In an election year especially, that human psychology can often be reflected in partisan strategy.

Way back in 2002, after U.S. Senator Trent Lott offered a smug and unconvinci­ng apology for racist remarks, Washington Post critic Philip Kennicott wrote that politician­s "may have a Hamlet complex (indecisive­ness) or a Lear complex (insecurity) but they almost never have a Macbeth complex (guilt).”

As criticism of political theatre, this observatio­n holds up today. And if Canadians have learned anything for sure from the SNC-Lavalin affair, it is that Trudeau has none of those Shakespear­ean complexes.

HE HAS VERY LITTLE ROOM TO DENY HIS BEHAVIOUR ANYMORE (SO HE IS) TRYING TO JUSTIFY HIS DECISION-MAKING (AND) MORALIZE HIS BEHAVIOUR... HE’S STILL TRYING TO SAY, ‘LOOK, I HAVE YOUR BEST INTERESTS AT HEART.’ — KARINA SCHUMANN, PSYCHOLOGI­ST

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 ?? FILE PHOTOS BY THE CANADIAN PRESS, POSTMEDIA NEWS AND GETTY IMAGES ??
FILE PHOTOS BY THE CANADIAN PRESS, POSTMEDIA NEWS AND GETTY IMAGES
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 ?? GEORGE BRIDGES / AFP / GETTY IMAGES ?? Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is reminiscen­t of former U.S. president Bill Clinton, says Canadian-educated psychologi­st Karina Schumann.
She says Clinton failed to employ his talents as a “phenomenal apologizer” when addressing his own personal failings.
GEORGE BRIDGES / AFP / GETTY IMAGES Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is reminiscen­t of former U.S. president Bill Clinton, says Canadian-educated psychologi­st Karina Schumann. She says Clinton failed to employ his talents as a “phenomenal apologizer” when addressing his own personal failings.

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