National Post (National Edition)

Then the mob came

THE SMEAR CAMPAIGN THAT TOOK DOWN A PROMISING POLITICIAN

- HOWARD ANGLIN National Post Howard Anglin was formerly principal secretary to the premier of Alberta and deputy chief of staff to prime minister Stephen Harper. He is currently doing post-graduate research in law at Oxford University.

What happened to Caylan Ford 20 months ago, when she was running as a candidate for the United Conservati­ve Party in Alberta, should terrify anyone thinking of running for public office. What has happened to her since should worry the rest of us.

Now, she is finally fighting back. After her candidacy was ended by false accusation­s that she is racist and a “white supremacis­t,” she's suing those she says defamed her, including the Alberta NDP, the CBC and the Toronto Star. Anyone concerned about the polarizati­on of our political discourse should be rooting for her.

Ford was the kind of candidate parties dream of: a Mandarin-speaking former federal foreign affairs adviser; a campaigner for persecuted minorities with a master's degree in internatio­nal relations and another in human rights law from Oxford; a documentar­y filmmaker; and a locally raised young mother of two. She won a competitiv­e nomination and was poised to defeat the incumbent NDP justice minister in Alberta's May 2019 election.

Then, less than a month before election day, with a must-win seat in jeopardy, the NDP's attack machine went into action. An anonymousl­y sourced article in Press Progress, a pro-NDP news website, reported that several years earlier in a private Facebook conversati­on, Ford had “complained `White Supremacis­t Terrorists' Are Treated Unfairly,” and “echoed white supremacis­t rhetoric.” Within minutes, the NDP called on her party to remove her. Under pressure to be a team player, and with little time to react, Ford withdrew rather than cause a distractio­n. By the next day, it was national news.

Ford knew the hyperbolic claims were not true. She had every reason to believe that, once the storm of the election had passed, she would be clear to tell her side of the story. Fair-minded people would be able to read the full record, the truth would supplant her opponents' lies and she would be able to move on with her life and her career. That this has still not happened, that she still has not been given a platform to tell her side of the story and try to clear her name, is why her story still matters.

Ford's resignatio­n did not end the attacks. A CBC headline a few days after stated as fact that she had made “white supremacis­t comments,” and the leader of the Alberta Liberal party decried her “white supremacis­t values,” which he said “will sicken decent people across this province.”

The few radio interviews she did to defend herself were quickly pulled offline at the first sign of online pressure and legal threats. As she learned, the news cycle may move on, but the internet doesn't forget. Almost two years later, the NDP's lies stand as the official record and Ford is effectivel­y unemployab­le. She can't even venture onto social media without almost immediatel­y being denounced as a Nazi.

Press Progress relied on quotes from an anonymousl­y provided Facebook conversati­on from 2017. It cited four short excerpts out of what Ford says, and the anonymous source admits, were tens of thousands of words of serious discussion covering a wide range of topics.

No one else besides the source has seen the conversati­on, including Ford, since 2017. We can't even know for certain if the quotes were accurate and no one, including Press Progress or the media who wrote about it, can prove it because the source now claims to have deleted the conversati­on, and has gone to court to oppose Ford's attempt to get the original data from Facebook.

Even if we accept the decontextu­alized excerpts at face value, they tell quite a different story than the sensationa­l headlines. Did Ford really say white supremacis­t terrorists are treated unfairly, as Press Progress had claimed? No. She had been discussing the most effective

ways to fight radicaliza­tion, including white supremacy, which in prefatory comments she called “odious” and “perverse.”

Specifical­ly, she wrote: “When the perpetrato­r is an Islamist, the denunciati­ons are intermingl­ed with breathless assurances that they do not represent Islam, that Islam is a religion of peace, etc. And there is a great deal of soul-searching — we ask ourselves in earnest what radicalize­d these people, how can they be directed to more productive and healthy paths …

“When the terrorists are white supremacis­ts, that kind of soul-searching or attempts to understand the sources of their radicaliza­tion or their perverse moral reasoning is beyond the pale. And anyone who shares even some of their views (e.g. wanting strong borders and immigratio­n control), while rejecting the more odious aspects, is painted with the same brush. … You just don't have the same attempts to separate the violent terrorists from the wider community of belief.”

In other words, Ford contrasted earnest and constructi­ve attempts to disassocia­te Islamist radicaliza­tion from mainstream Islam with the counterpro­ductive tendency to portray white supremacis­ts as part of a

spectrum of conservati­ve opinion. She thinks this is a problem. Many experts in fighting radicaliza­tion would agree.

And had she really “echoed white nationalis­t rhetoric”? Hardly. She had, as noted, called white supremacy an odious and perverse ideology. But when her then-friend asked for her feelings on Europe's “demographi­c replacemen­t” — that is, the effect of high levels of internatio­nal migration to compensate for low birth rates and an aging population — she expressed sadness at the potential for violence and inter-ethnic strife, as well as the loss of local cultures and diversity under the homogenizi­ng pressures of globalizat­ion.

Ford recalls that she and her then-friend (himself the son of Ismaili immigrants) had used the phrase “white peoples” while recognizin­g that it was imperfect shorthand, and that earlier she had said it is not a term she would use herself. She also recalls explaining why she thought that essentiali­zing people by race was unhelpful and even immoral.

But, never thinking her private words would be scrutinize­d out of context, she used the term in this sentence, which her former friend anonymousl­y leaked: “I am somehow saddened

by the demographi­c replacemen­t of white peoples in their homelands — more in Europe than in America — partly because it's clear it will not be a peaceful transition and partly because the loss of demographi­c diversity in the human race is sad.”

The missing context is key: Ford had previously said that this was imprecise language she didn't endorse herself. She also remembers expressing sadness at the loss of other ethnic and cultural traditions, whether as a result of the assimilati­on and subjugatio­n of Indigenous peoples in North America, or in the Tibetan plateau. Her former friend or Press Progress left out those parts of the conversati­on.

If Ford erred, it was in not using scare quotes or another way to mark her distance from the terms “demographi­c replacemen­t” or “white peoples.” But this was a long private conversati­on carried on over several weeks between two people using mutually understood terms. One cannot expect the scrupulous repeated qualificat­ions of formal public writing. She certainly never expected her words would be scrutinize­d out of context by people not party to the conversati­on who had never met or spoken with her, and used to destroy her career.

It's certainly possible that

Ford's explanatio­n might not convince everyone, but the problem is that she has never even been given that chance. That is the injustice of cancel culture: it silences its targets and blocks the ears of those who have rushed to judgment; it is a one-sided star chamber prosecutio­n that proceeds swiftly and ruthlessly.

The NDP's campaign to distort her comments into something far more heinous — conflating the use of the public policy term “demographi­c replacemen­t” with neo-Nazi demagoguer­y about a “great replacemen­t” conspiracy — was transparen­tly cynical. There was nothing in Ford's career defending persecuted minorities (see her documentar­y on Falun Gong slave labour in China) to support that extreme inference.

All the benefit of the doubt should have weighed in Ford's favour, but once the smear was out, it was too good to check. The CBC and most other media outlets displayed no more scruple or skepticism over cherrypick­ed, dubiously sourced quotes than the Twitter mob.

I didn't know Caylan Ford before the mob came for her. I reached out after, because it seemed few others had. Having met her, I can say that, if she is a white supremacis­t, then I'm a Bolshevik. Alberta and Canada could have used her experience and her thoughtful voice. Our politics is coarser and dumber without her.

She deserved better than the ochlocrati­c injustice of social media and we, the public, deserved better than the careless credulity of many mainstream media outlets. Until that wrong is righted — in court, but more importantl­y in the court of public opinion — her fate will give good men and women a reason to shun politics, and our society will be the poorer for it.

 ?? LEAH HENNEL / POSTMEDIA ?? Caylan Ford was a dream candidate: a Mandarin-speaking former federal foreign affairs adviser, a champion of persecuted minorities with a pair
of master's degrees and a locally raised young mother of two.
LEAH HENNEL / POSTMEDIA Caylan Ford was a dream candidate: a Mandarin-speaking former federal foreign affairs adviser, a champion of persecuted minorities with a pair of master's degrees and a locally raised young mother of two.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Canada