Ottawa Citizen

Parliament can regain trust by decentrali­zing power of PMO

Simple changes can help, say Kevin Lynch and Dale Eisler.

- Kevin Lynch is former Clerk of the Privy Council. Dale Eisler is a fellow at the University of Saskatchew­an's Johnson Shoyama Graduate School of Public Policy, and former federal assistant deputy minister.

Retiring Liberal MP Wayne Easter has strong views about centraliza­tion of power in government. The former cabinet minister, chair of the Commons finance committee and parliament­ary veteran should know of what he speaks: “I think there's far, far too much control in the Prime Minister's Office, right throughout the whole system,” he recently told the Hill Times.

Why does this matter? Parliament­ary systems are extolled for their capacity to balance democracy and efficiency, authority and accountabi­lity, and stability with the ability to adapt to change. That balance lies at the heart of public trust in our institutio­ns of governance, and it can be eroded by excessive centraliza­tion of power in the prime minster and his staff.

Prime ministers have become much more than first among equals at the cabinet table. They control appointmen­ts — cabinet ministers, senators, judges, governors general, and senior public servants. They control the agenda.

The PMO's role has expanded enormously in recent years. It now develops and screens government policy initiative­s, devises communicat­ions strategies, appoints ministeria­l chiefs of staff, and vets ministeria­l communicat­ions. It is the locus of authority where all decisions are made. It has also become the primary access point to government for media and the social media hub for the government.

The cabinet has become, as a result, a shadow of its former self. We have moved from cabinet government, where cabinet was the main forum for discussing and responding to the key issues facing the country and the government, to a hybrid form of executive government centred on the prime minister and PMO. Even the unique role of the finance minister around the cabinet table has been diminished as the PMO exerts much more control over fiscal matters.

The non-partisan public service has increasing­ly become an “administra­tive service” and less the provider of fearless, non-partisan and evidence-based policy advice that is core to good policy-making. The policy advice role is increasing­ly the domain of political aides in the PMO and ministeria­l offices. This ever-stronger “political service” is effectivel­y supplantin­g the public service rather than complement­ing it.

Parliament­ary committees are meant to hold the government to account. However, too often parliament­ary committees are weakened by government pressure to follow narrow, partisan agendas. Few observers would describe the committee system today as working as intended, to the detriment of public accountabi­lity.

It is almost impossible to overstate how social media has affected government. The perceived political need for government­s to “control the agenda” in a social media world has led to the PMO becoming the funnel through which all government communicat­ion flows.

The overall result is an excessive centraliza­tion of control and power, where our public institutio­ns of governance no longer play the roles for which they were designed and public trust in government has been eroded.

The good news is that renewal is possible and does not require constituti­onal amendments or complex legislativ­e reforms. What it takes is the commitment of all political parties to reject excessive centraliza­tion.

Echoing the recommenda­tions of a Public Policy Forum Report entitled Time for a Reboot: Nine Ways to Restore Trust in Canada's Public Institutio­ns, issued after the 2015 election, this means: restoring effective cabinet government, where the big issues are explored, policies are debated, and decision-making is both collective and ministeria­l; allowing ministers to be ministers again, inputting into their mandate letters, selecting their political staff, and accountabl­e to Parliament and the public for their portfolios; restoring a PMO that supports the prime minister while respecting balance across the institutio­ns of government; re-empowering a strong and impartial public service to provide fearless, evidence-based advice on policies; creating accountabi­lity for the political service similar to that of the public service; and equipping parliament­ary committees with the tools, resources and independen­ce to hold government to account.

After the election, the government should table its intent to reinvigora­te our parliament­ary system. Balance in governance benefits all Canadians.

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