Brad Wall’s success can’t just be repeated with Scheer charm

Saskatchewan seems pretty good at producing witty, engaging right-wing politicians. But whether that means Saskatchewan has produced a prime minister is another matter.

What seemed comparatively easy for Premier Brad Wall may be considerably more difficult for Ottawa-born-and-raised new Conservative leader Andrew Scheer, Regina- Qu’Appelle MP for the past 13 years.

Notwithstanding their places of birth and different political paths, the two do share a lot of similarities. Although 14 years apart in age, both are seen as modern-day affable politicians who know the value of wit and humour. Both are social conservatives stemming from their religious upbringing (although Wall seems more guarded about such issues). Both do live those family values — Wall by driving home to Swift Current each night and Scheer by his active participation in his family of five, notwithstanding his demands as an MP.

And while the two actually have never had all that much to do with each other either socially or politically, they are said to like each other and Wall was rather delighted with Scheer’s win.

Scheer was first elected in

2004 to oppose a strong, veteran majority government and Wall was first elected in 1999 in opposition — also against a longstanding party to his left led by an iconic leader.

In their early days in opposition they were unified in their fight against the equalization formula’s inclusion of natural resource revenues, which cost Saskatchewan an estimated

$800 million a year. However, both abandoned that Conservative election promise shortly after Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s first election win ... a telling, but less favourable shared political trait of wavering commitment.

Scheer’s election as Speaker in 2011 removed him from the political fray, but that likely removed him from the irritations (infrastructure, agriculture support, grain movement by rail) between the Wall administration and the province’s 12 to 13 often ineffective Conservative MPs.

Since the defeat of the Harper government, Scheer has been Wall’s ally in the fight against the federal Liberal government’s carbon pricing.

Both were 38 years old when they became leaders of their party, although Wall’s unopposed run was far different than Scheer’s 13th-ballot, comefrom-behind defeat of Maxime Bernier.

What was very similar is Scheer and Wall both replaced much older and much less charismatic leaders in Harper and Elwin Hermanson, respectively.

Wall had already developed a sound, likable political persona and strong media relationships.

As an innocuous western backbencher under Harper and then as Speaker, Scheer had less chance to cultivate the national press gallery. But as leader, much of the media has bought into his remake as Stephen Harper with a smile. And Scheer’s weekend performance at the National Press Gallery dinner (he said he owed his leadership to no one, then pulled out a carton of Quebec marketing board milk and drank it) was a peek at his wit and charm. However, none of this guarantees Scheer the same success Wall has enjoyed — largely because a provincial leader gets away with scrutiny a federal leader doesn’t.

For example, Scheer’s admittedly sharper social policy positions are already being seen as out of step with broad Canadian beliefs in a way Wall’s aren’t.

As a provincial leader, Wall has been afforded more time to focus on economic matters where he (or any conservative) may be seen as stronger. It’s even allowed him to get away with not really having much life experience outside of being an elected official or political aide — something else he shares with Scheer.

Conversely, Scheer is already facing much more scrutiny — everything from his social conservative voting record to his I-never-met-a-tax-cut-I-didn’t-like approach that may work better in Saskatchewan than at the federal level.

Remember: Wall chose not to run federally, even though his higher profile would have arguably given him a leg up on Scheer.

Perhaps Wall knew his characteristics and approach — some of which he shares with Scheer — just don’t work as well federally.