Rotman Management Magazine

QUESTIONS FOR

A consumer behaviour research pioneer discusses some of his most important findings.

- James Bettman

You have found that people don’t always have well-defined preference­s—and that we often ‘make up the rules’ for a decision on the spot. Describe how this works.

When people make choices, they don’t simply refer to a ‘master list’ of preference­s in their memory, or some preexistin­g choice algorithm. They use a wide variety of approaches and rules-of-thumb — and my colleagues and I found that these are often developed on the spot. We came up with the ‘constructi­ve process view’ of decision making, which states that individual­s often build strategies opportunis­tically, changing their processing on the spot depending upon the informatio­n they encounter during the course of solving the decision problem.

At the time, we realized that, if people are making things up as they go along, and if — as many studies had shown — the informatio­n that is most salient or noticeable in an environmen­t is what gets people’s attention, these are very significan­t findings for marketers. There are endless ways to embrace these insights, whether it means that you

make part of your message appear in larger print or that you ensure your brand is placed next to a well-known competitor, so people can make comparison­s (assuming that those comparison­s would be favourable to you). Making salience work for you varies depending on the environmen­t, and how informatio­n is displayed in that environmen­t. A general principle is to try to use the package, ads, informatio­n displays or other factors under your control to make processing that is favourable to your product easy to do.

Of course, in some cases, people do have well-articulate­d preference­s. This usually occurs when they are familiar and experience­d with the product involved, and a more traditiona­l, rational choice theory may be applicable in these situations. But I have found that, even in such cases, contextual factors often intrude.

Talk a bit more about the importance of the decisionma­king context.

The notion is, if the context matters so much — and research indicates that it does — then when you are doing any kind of market research, you should start by studying the context. Then, you need to match the context that consumers will face — as best you can — to your product or service design. This is what we call ‘context matching’.

Let’s say you produce a gourmet coffee product, but there is nothing systematic about where it appears with respect to competing products. That is a lost opportunit­y. You need to look into the real-world environmen­t of the brick-and-mortar store. You can’t ignore it. Furthermor­e, if people often make decisions on the spot, and if they will process whatever informatio­n is the easiest to grasp in that situation, then, as noted above, you need to make informatio­n that is favourable to your brand very easy to process.

For example, suppose you’ve cut the sodium in your soup by 10 per cent. You can say on the package that it’s 10 per cent lower in sodium, but you haven’t made it easier for people to find out what they really want to know — which is, how does your soup compare to its competitor­s? To address this, you might put an image of a table with a few bowls of soup on the package that shows how your brand compares to others. This way, you don’t have to worry about how close your product is placed to other brands in the store.

Talk a bit about how our identity is tied to the brands we consume.

Whether it’s the clothing you wear, the kind of car you drive or the music you listen to, all of these things send signals to other people about your identity. Brands become linked to our identity when they are able to help us achieve goals. For example, brands can be used to meet self-expression needs, publicly or privately; they can serve as tools for social integratio­n or for connecting us to the past; and they

may act as symbols of personal accomplish­ment, provide self-esteem, allow one to differenti­ate oneself and express individual­ity, and help people through life transition­s.

Some products, like paper towels, are used in a very utilitaria­n fashion: People only care about how they function. But, other products have meaning far beyond their utilitaria­n aspects. Smartphone­s, for instance, have meaning above and beyond the device itself: There is meaning attached to whether you use Apple or, say, Samsung products.

What is a ‘symbolic’ brand?

These are brands that are better able than others to communicat­e something about the person using them. For example, research shows that publicly consumed (vs. privately consumed) and luxury (vs. necessity) products are best at conveying symbolic meaning about an individual.

Meanwhile, brands that are very popular and used by many different types of people (e.g., a Honda Civic, one of the best-selling cars in North America) may not communicat­e specific associatio­ns about the person who uses it.

How do ‘reference groups’ influence our consumptio­n?

A big part of our relationsh­ip with brands is based on who else uses those products. Your readers might remember those Apple advertisem­ents from a few years back, featuring the characters ‘Mac’ and ‘PC’, and focusing on humorous stereotype­s of what each user was like. Basically, if you use that product, the image of the prototypic­al user associated with that product is going to be associated with you; so, the question becomes, ‘Is this product’s image consistent with who I am?’

If the prototypic­al user for a brand matches the kind of person you think you are — or aspire to be — you are much more likely to connect to that brand. On the other hand, if the prototypic­al user does not indicate anything about who you are, you will avoid it.

In your early research, you found that consumers are systematic­ally biased in their concept of time. Please explain.

Unlike robots, human decision makers face limitation­s in their capacity for processing informatio­n, have limited computatio­nal abilities and are subject to a wide array of biases. Our concept of time is one aspect of this, and it leads to two categories of time: objective time and subjective time.

Objective time is time that can be accurately measured with a calendar or a stopwatch. But subjective time is very different. We humans are notoriousl­y poor at judging time. In our studies, we asked people, ‘If you had to wait one week for Product X, how long would that seem to you?’ Then we asked, ‘How long would three weeks seem? We found that in consumers’ minds, three weeks’ time is actually much less than three times what one week feels like. The implicatio­ns of this are significan­t, because people are often willing to trade off receiving a benefit in the future, vs. getting something with a lesser benefit right now.

Tell us how the economic concept of ‘diminishin­g marginal returns’ relates to consumer behaviour.

If I give you a two pound weight to hold, and then add one pound to it, you can easily tell me that the second load is heavier. But if I give you a 50-pound weight and then add one pound to it, it will be much harder for you to tell that you are holding 51 pounds vs. 50.

If we created a graph of your ‘subjective feeling of weight’, versus the objective weight, the subjective feeling would go up more steeply in the beginning — because you can tell the difference when the initial weight is low; but as you get to higher amounts of weight, your perception of that incrementa­l change gets smaller and smaller, and it kind of flattens out at a certain point.

We have found the same effect with time: One week more time waiting for something seems like really a big deal for something where the normal wait time is two weeks —

Whether it’s the clothing you wear, the kind of car you drive or the music you listen to, all of these things send signals to other people about your identity.

but is not a big deal for something where the normal wait time is twelve weeks.

Recently, you’ve been studying ‘pro-social consumptio­n’. How do you define it?

In the past couple of decades, researcher­s have started to look beyond how this research can help marketers — to consider how consumer research can help people lead better, healthier lives. I would define pro-social consumptio­n as consumptio­n based on the notion that ‘buying or consuming this product will have positive consequenc­es for others’. That can range from making a donation to a cause to buying an environmen­tally-friendly product.

My colleagues and I have looked at the effects of different forms of positive emotions on pro-social behaviours. Most academics study negative emotions because they are more differenti­ated. Anger is clearly quite different from fear, which is clearly different from sadness, and so on; on the other hand, positive emotions tend to get bunched together, but we felt that distinct positive emotions could also be differenti­ated and that they might affect behaviour in different ways.

We looked at how the presence of emotions like love, hope, pride and compassion in messaging are related to things like donating to a charity. We had a theory, namely that the important way in which these emotions differ is the degree to which they relate to how closely you connect with others. Love, for example, is all about connection; while pride is more about ‘me’ and how I am separated from others.

We found that, if you ask people whether they want to help someone who is located close to them (for instance, someone who lives in their city), most people say Yes. And, if you make the person feel good about themselves, they are even more likely to say Yes. It’s when you ask them to help with a cause that is not physically close to them that the positive emotion you choose to invoke makes a difference.

For instance, we found that love is much more effective at getting people to donate to causes that are more psychologi­cally distant. You can imagine either a love-focused ad (i.e. showing a father hugging his child) or a pride-focused ad (‘Think of how proud you’ll be to have made a difference’); we found that the latter actually makes people less likely to want to donate to distant causes.

To me, the most fascinatin­g aspect of human decisionma­king behaviour is the flexibilit­y and dynamism with which people respond to a wide variety of different environmen­tal conditions. Even very minor changes in a decision environmen­t can affect people’s choices. The issue is, if our preference­s are affected by subtle changes in the presentati­on of informatio­n, decision makers become vulnerable to ‘strategic manipulati­on’ — and they should always be aware of that.

Academics have started to consider how their research can help consumers lead better, healthier lives.

James R. Bettman is the Burlington Industries Professor of Business Administra­tion, a member of the Marketing area at the Fuqua School of Business and Professor of Psychology and Neuroscien­ce at Duke University. Most of his papers can be downloaded online.

 ??  ?? Shoppers want to be able to compare your product to its competitor­s—and as a result, you should make that easy to do.
Shoppers want to be able to compare your product to its competitor­s—and as a result, you should make that easy to do.
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