FSIN leaders must heed the call for change

The FSIN just snoozed its way through another election.

This was supposed to be a big one with the election of two vice-chiefs and the chief, but the speeches were predictable, and the platforms were mediocre. Nobody stood up demanding wholesale change, or the eradication of Indigenous Affairs or a challenge to the federation’s commitment to our treaty and Indigenous rights.

There were few, if any, comments promising to address youth suicide, child poverty, the high rate of Indigenous incarceration, drug addiction, child welfare, employment, housing, etc.

Instead we got the usual Pablum to protect treaty rights, work for the people and protect our language and culture. Today our leaders are fighting a rearguard action as we retreat further away from the original intent of political organizing. Years of government cutbacks and inaction have left us with an ever-diminishing pool of resources despite government promises to increase budgets to parity with the provincial programs.

Saskatchewan has a rich history of First Nations political organizing that has been consistent and focused on implementing and expanding our treaty rights.

In 1884, Chief Beardy was concerned about the promises made in Treaty Six that were not being carried out. He sent out emissaries to Treaty Six First Nations and the chiefs gathered on Beardy’s reserve. The chiefs met for several days and discussed the progress of the treaty. In the end they drafted a letter to the government and presented it to the Marquis of Lorne, royalty who was travelling in Western Canada.

Nothing was ever heard back and a year later the unrest of 1885 unfolded. Following the events of 1885, government repression made political organizing difficult but not impossible. Our people were restricted to their reserves, so political organizing had to be done underground and in secret. Several regional organizations developed, including the Qu’Appelle Valley chiefs, the Queen Victoria Protective Association and the League of Indians.

In 1946 the chiefs met in Saskatoon and amalgamated the various organizations, forming the Union of Saskatchewan Indians. The First Nations had contributed greatly to the war effort and the government relaxed the restrictions on travel and political organizing. It’s doubtful that they would have been able to stop the new movement.

In 1957, the union was reorganized and became the Federation of Saskatchewan Indians; in 1982 another reorganization took place to reflect our constitutional position in Canada. The FSI became a Federation of First Nations and evolved to the Federation of Saskatchewan Indian Nations. In 2016, the name further evolved to the Federation of Sovereign Indigenous Nations.

Now there are echoes of discord and talk of need for change for the FSIN. This is not a bad thing. All institutions should be placed under critical scrutiny from time to time. To ignore calls for change and continue in the same old rut does no one any favours. The membership pulls away and the leadership is weakened and isolated.

The election changed little. Two incumbents, Chief Bobby Cameron and Dutch Lerat, as well as Morley Watson were elected to lead for three more years.

Reports in the media point to a fractured and disoriented organization, but the same is often said about the federal and provincial governments. The FSIN leadership doesn’t have to be defensive but rather take on the challenge and be proactive.

The FSIN leadership has an excellent opportunity to take a critical review of the organization and its history and mandate and create a blueprint for the future. Leaders need to review the progress on treaty implementation and what other institutions are required to implement them. In the 1980s we developed the educational institutions, and now we need institutions that apply to health, child welfare, addictions, housing and other important needs.

They say that a time of crises is also a time of opportunity. If the FSIN leadership ignores calls for change, the leaders will find themselves in a crisis with few options. The best for them will be to turn the place upside down and reorganize to create the best outcomes.

Cameron has a new three-year mandate and the pressure for change is building. His mandate will be to meet the challenge for change and return to the political powerhouse that the federation once was.