The Georgia Straight

COMMENTARY

An Indigenous scholar says the Wet’suwet’en fight for land rights offers an opportunit­y for social change.

- By Pam Palmater

Canada has reached a tipping point. Over the past month, cracks have started to show in its levers of power over Indigenous peoples. The refusal of the Wet’suwet’en Nation’s hereditary leaders and clan members to bow to corporate pressure from Coastal GasLink and its pipeline plans in northern B.C. has shone a light on the legal infrastruc­ture of violence and oppression of Indigenous peoples in Canada.

It’s happening right before our eyes.

After centuries of broken treaties and empty promises, patience has worn out. What was once hidden from Canadians by politician­s and mainstream media has now been laid bare for all to see.

The Wet’suwet’en have changed everything. Canadians can no longer say they are in the dark about this country’s unlawful disregard of Indigenous rights.

There have been many acts of resistance by Indigenous Nations since confederat­ion. In this decade, Idle No More swept across Turtle Island beginning in 2012. The aggressive legislativ­e agenda against Indigenous rights and environmen­tal protection­s waged by the Conservati­ve government of Stephen Harper sparked protests across the country, even as the hunger strike on Parliament Hill of Attawapisk­at Chief Theresa Spence brought national attention to the deplorable housing and living conditions on First Nations reserves.

This was not just an Indigenous movement. As in today’s actions in support of the Wet’suwet’en, Canadians from all background­s joined in marches, teach-ins, rallies, and round dances. The trains stopped running back then, too.

The actions lasted for months and attracted worldwide attention like never before to the grave human-rights abuses on First Nations reserves. Unions, antipovert­y and human-rights groups, environmen­tal organizati­ons, and other community-based groups, including Black Lives Matter, joined the marches in the streets.

The round dances and blockades would eventually end, but the movement carried on behind the scenes. Indigenous peoples continued to seek peaceful and negotiated solutions over questions of shared resources.

Canada has had many opportunit­ies since Idle No More to step up and address these long-standing issues. It was dragged kicking and screaming before the courts, humanright­s tribunals, and treaty bodies of the United Nations and Inter-American Commission on Human Rights to account for its failures. But Canada has made few substantiv­e efforts to address Indigenous self-determinat­ion and land rights.

Some Indigenous peoples saw a change in rhetoric. The Conservati­ve government’s antagonist­ic attitude toward First Nations was replaced by the Liberals’ more positive tone. A renewed nation-to-nation relationsh­ip was promised, and there was a glimmer of hope.

But any real remaining faith for reconcilia­tion was dealt a serious blow when the Liberal government bought the Trans Mountain pipeline for $4.5 billion in 2018—and the costs of the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion have increased to more than $12 billion. Those billions could have been used to make good on the Liberals’ promises to provide clean drinking water and critically needed housing in First Nations communitie­s, as well as to address longstandi­ng land-claims issues.

Still, Canada presented the façade of reconcilia­tion. National Aboriginal organizati­ons were enlisted to support the government’s agenda. Indigenous peoples continued to extend their hands in seeking peaceful and negotiated solutions to shared resources.

But without any substantiv­e government action on Indigenous rights, the socioecono­mic conditions of Indigenous peoples only got worse. The list of transgress­ions is a long one.

Canada failed to abide by the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal orders directing it to end discrimina­tion against First Nations children in foster care, and then refused to take urgent action on the finding of the National Inquiry Into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls that it was guilty of ongoing genocide.

All the multiple overlappin­g social crises resulted in ever-higher rates of depression, anxiety, and youth suicide, which are among the highest in the world. This trauma was layered on top of the intergener­ational grief from residentia­l schools, forced sterilizat­ions, Indian Act control of communitie­s, and forced poverty.

The final, fatal blow came earlier this month, when the RCMP was sent into Wet’suwet’en territory to enforce Coastal GasLink’s courtorder­ed injunction. It was as if the RCMP were acting not only as agents of the state but as the personal security force for Coastal GasLink.

While the RCMP removed and detained journalist­s at one checkpoint, in an obvious effort to discourage any media coverage, there were enough pictures and videos from inside the camp to show the world what was happening—and the world reacted.

In a rare move, the United Nations Committee on the Eliminatio­n of Racial Discrimina­tion called on Canada to stand down and put a freeze on all major projects without Indigenous consent. The UN also called for the removal of the RCMP and their weapons from Wet’suwet’en territory. They know what we know—reconcilia­tion can’t happen at gunpoint.

The calls were echoed by numerous First Nations and nongovernm­ental organizati­ons, just like during Idle No More. But this time, the calls were matched with strategic actions on the ground.

Canada’s invasion of Wet’suwet’en territory sparked nationwide rallies, marches, and occupation­s of highways, bridges, intersecti­ons, railways, ports, legislatur­es, and ministers’ offices. Government and pipeline officials responded with their usual communicat­ions in praise of the economic value of pipeline projects to Indigenous peoples.

They referenced confidenti­al agreements signed by band councils along the route as proof of consent. They portrayed Wet’suwet’en hereditary leaders as rogues and invoked the infamous “rule of law” to justify the actions of the RCMP. But none of them had been paying attention.

Some mainstream-media commentato­rs fell into the same trap, resorting to alarmist language around the protests, despite the fact that all were peaceful. Their attempts to vilify those taking action as “thugs” inspired even more actions by all Canadians. Rail lines were blocked in the United States and protests took place outside Canadian embassies in a number of countries.

People now realize that they hold the real power and that when they choose to exercise that power, they can have a major impact on the status quo, disrupting unlawful government actions and corporatio­ns by hitting them where it hurts.

Although it may involve some degree of political conflict and may at times feel uncomforta­ble, that is how every society in human history has advanced. No positive change in human society has ever come about without struggle.

We should all be thankful for this struggle as it represents the fight to protect Indigenous rights, the very same rights that will ultimately protect our collective future. We should embrace this moment as an opportunit­y to work together to ensure social justice for all.

There’s no going back to business as usual.

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 ??  ?? Pamela Palmater is a First Nations lawyer and a professor at Ryerson .
Pamela Palmater is a First Nations lawyer and a professor at Ryerson .

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