The Guardian (Charlottetown)

A “Sixth Republic” in France?

The current unstable situation doesn’t bode well for French democracy

- Henry Srebrnik Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island

The triumph of many previously untested candidates who were personally selected by Emmanuel Macron, the newly elected president of France, in the two-round parliament­ary election of June 11 and 18, demonstrat­es clearly that the French political order has collapsed.

The candidates of his newly formed party, La République en Marche (The Republic on the Move) finished first in 308 of 577 districts. With his allies the Mouvement Démocrate, he will control 350 seats.

The Republican­s, one of the two parties that controlled France until 2017, came in second, winning 113 seats, while the Socialists, once a bedrock of French political life, were crushed, with just 29 seats.

Far leftists and Communists took 27 seats, and Marine Le Pen’s National Front a mere nine.

As in 1958, when the decaying Fourth Republic, beset by defeats in foreign colonial wars, particular­ly in Algeria, gave way to Charles de

Gaulle’s Fifth Republic, Macron’s improbable victory in May has in effect created a “sixth” republic.

Of course de Gaulle was a military hero who had led the Free French forces against Nazi Germany, so Macron’s victory was far more amazing. He is after all, a 39-year-old technocrat who was virtually unknown a year ago.

As president, the haughty de Gaulle claimed to be above party politics and to some extent patterned himself after Napoleon, but in order to get legislatio­n passed in the National Assembly, various so-called Gaullist parties were created to do his bidding.

They, along with the old Socialists, have virtually disintegra­ted, and Macron, who claims he transcends traditiona­l political boundaries and represents no particular ideology, now has his own “Macroniste” caucus in parliament.

Most have little political experience or allegiance to the traditiona­l parties. More than half have never held political office and their average age is under 50.

They will serve, as de Gaulle’s groups did, as a “king’s” party, beholden to the president – the same way the United Russia Party champions Vladimir Putin’s policies in the Russian Duma.

As a globalist, Macron is of course the darling of the European Union bureaucrat­s in Brussels and the so-called “Davos” neoliberal­s who run transnatio­nal corporatio­ns and loath nationalis­m.

France is now in their hands.

Their goal was to create a large, single, center-left, technocrat­ic political party that would crush the old political parties. It was created little more than a year ago and its name tells the tale.

As soon as Macron defeated Marine Le Pen of the far right National Front in the presidenti­al contest, the president of the European Commission, JeanClaude Juncker, spoke about “hope for Europe.”

A week later, Macron went to Berlin, met German Chancellor Angela Merkel and told her that he sought a rapid “strengthen­ing of the Union.”

Now that Macron has formed a “Republican Front,” it has left little space on the political spectrum beyond the far left and the NF.

Such an unstable situation doesn’t bode well for French democracy. Some caveats regarding this outcome:

The overall turnout of 49 per cent in the first round was extraordin­arily low.

Of those who voted, the results saw Macron’s party win 28.2 per cent of the vote, the centre right Republican­s 15.7 per cent, while the National Front scored 13.2 per cent, Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s far left 11 per cent, and the Socialists 7.4 per cent.

Since only the top two candidates in each district entered the second round, which had an even lower turnout, at under 43 per cent, Macron, with his allies, will control more than half of the seats though he commands the support of little more than a quarter of the electorate.

Should Macron lose popularity and eventually suffer defeat in a future presidenti­al race, what will become of his deputies?

As an advocate of liberal austerity policies and rule by EU banker-bureaucrat­s, his policies are bound to cause major resentment all too soon.

And does this make Marine Le Pen a de facto leader of the opposition and the only realistic alternativ­e?

Or will some other antiestabl­ishment figure arise? Stormy waters may lie ahead.

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