The Guardian (Charlottetown)

Who will benefit from expanded CPP?

It’s not who you think. Likely government, high-income workers; likely not everyone else

- BY ROBERT L. BROWN Robert L. Brown is an expert adviser with EvidenceNe­twork.ca and Fellow with the Canadian Institute of Actuaries.

It was as recently as June 20, 2016 that the federal and provincial Finance Ministers agreed to expand the Canada Pension Plan (CPP). This is such a recent event, in government terms, that many of the details of benefit entitlemen­ts, costs and investment criteria are still not known.

But it has been long enough for those who are deep thinkers on matters of social security to have had time to delve into the macro proposals and issue some serious concerns. The key caution: who really benefits? Turns out, it’s not low or middle-income workers.

The Canadian Retirement Income Security system is made up of a variety of moving parts: Old Age Security (OAS), the Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS), the CPP, plus private savings in workplace pension plans, Registered Retired Savings Plans and TaxFree Savings Accounts.

So it is not surprising that after a year, two thoughtful commentato­rs, Bob Baldwin and Richard Shillingto­n have issued a critical paper from the Institute for Research on Public Policy, pointing out some very serious negative consequenc­es of an expanded CPP.

Baldwin and Shillingto­n state that poorer Canadians with income (other than OAS, which is exempt) persistent­ly less than $25,000 will get no net benefit from the enhanced CPP tier 2 benefits for which they have paid (a relatively rare event for married couples).

Here’s why.

The Canadian Guaranteed Income Supplement is a welfare payment meant to help only those attempting to live on very low income. Once a recipient earns some relatively modest income level, their GIS benefits are “clawed back.” This claw back is equivalent to a 50 per cent tax rate on earned income over the defined level and, because seven provinces have similar top-ups with similar claw backs, the effective tax rate can be as much as 100 per cent.

In other words, there is virtually no incentive for a low-income worker to save for retirement or to take paid employment, especially once one is retired and receiving the GIS.

The new tier of benefits is meant to be “fully-funded” which means that workers will have to pay in full for any new benefits they receive.

So, we have a system that mandates that workers — even low-income workers — have to make full contributi­ons to buy their new benefits. Why is this a problem?

When persistent­ly low income workers retire, they will find that their GIS benefits (paid for out of general tax revenues) will now be clawed back. Most of them will receive nothing more in total benefits even though they have been forced to pay in full for the expanded CPP.

Overall, the picture is very different from that portrayed by our politician­s. Canadians will pay for their new CPP benefits in full through workplace contributi­ons. No government cost at all.

In fact, the portrait is even rosier for government­s. Because of higher benefits from the new CPP, tax revenues will rise $2.7B (once the system is mature) and OAS/GIS benefits will fall $2.1B because of the claw backs.

Further, because OAS benefits rise with inflation, but wages rise with the growth rate of the economy (usually higher), the replacemen­t rate provided by the OAS will fall as a percentage of average wages over time. There will be no net gain at all for both low and middle-income workers.

Overall, Baldwin and Shillingto­n ask: “Who benefits from an expanded CPP?”

The government — likely. High-income workers — yes. But not everyone else. And, in fact, low income workers may even see a reduction in overall benefits.

One cannot just amend one part of the system without analyzing the impact on the total system.

So far, the federal government seems not to have taken this into account.

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