The Guardian (Charlottetown)

Russia now busy courting Egypt

Resumption of Egyptian-Soviet alliance, which lasted for some 25 years during the Cold War

- Henry Srebrnik Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.

Already the major foreign power in Syria, Russia is now trying to extend its role in the Middle East by courting Egypt.

Vladimir Putin on Dec. 11 travelled to Cairo for a meeting with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, resulting in the signing of contracts for the constructi­on of the Dabaa nuclear plant in northern Egypt.

The constructi­on of Egypt’s first nuclear power plant, under a $30-billion contract, will be undertaken by Russia’s Rosatom State Atomic Energy Corporatio­n. The Russian government has offered a $25-billion loan for the project, and Russia will supply the fuel for the plant.

Annual trade between Russia and Egypt stands at $4 billion and Cairo is very interested in attracting new Russian investment­s. Putin and Sisi even discussed creating an industrial zone in Egypt with “favorable conditions for the Russian businesses.” They also spoke about trying to revive tourism, hard hit by terrorism.

Military issues were also on the table. Putin’s visit followed the Nov. 30 signing of a draft agreement, valid for five years, allowing the military aircraft of the two countries to share airspace and air bases.

Russia and Egypt also would be able to carry out joint terrorism measures in the Sinai Peninsula, where terrorist operations have been on the rise. An attack on the Al-Rawda Mosque on Nov. 24 murdered 311 worshipper­s.

Helping Cairo battle terrorists in Sinai, where Cairo has appeared helpless against attacks by militants, may become a pillar of Russian-Egyptian security co-operation.

Nurhan al-Sheikh, a professor of political science at Cairo University, told the Al-Monitor news agency “It is in Egypt’s best interest to co-operate with Russia when it comes to countering terrorism, especially after Russia’s unpreceden­ted success in liberating all Syrian territorie­s from ISIS.”

Putin also stated Moscow’s readiness to resume Russian flights over Egypt; all flights had been suspended after a Russian aircraft was downed in the Sinai on Oct. 31, 2015, killing more than 200 people.

“Egypt has done a great job in making airport security more effective,” Putin remarked. “Russian security services reported that on the whole we are ready to restore such connection between Moscow and Cairo.”

This Egyptian-Russian military rapprochem­ent may also see Russia provide Egypt with the S-400 surface-to-air missile system. Moscow will also soon supply Egypt with MiG-29 fighter jets and has won a tender to sell Egypt Ka-52 helicopter­s for French-built Mistral ships.

Bases in Egypt would also be useful for Moscow in pursuing its goals in neighbouri­ng Libya. In that chaotic post-Gadhafi country, riven by ongoing battles between rival Islamist and nationalis­t militias, Russia supports the Libyan National Army forces led by General Khalifa Haftar.

Russia particular­ly covets the Sidi Barrani base, which is a mere 100 kilometres from Libya. Haftar is based in Tobruk, near the Egyptian border.

Haftar met with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov last August and naval forces conducted manoeuvres near the Libyan coast. This suits Egypt, whose chosen partner in securing its porous western flank is General Hafter.

From Sisi’s perspectiv­e, Moscow might be useful in helping solve Egypt’s challenges in the Sinai and in Libya; both are lawless regions that harbour terrorists intent on destabiliz­ing Egypt.

At the United Nations, Egypt has made common cause with Russia to oppose the United States on various issues. Both voted against the American decision to recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital.

For Russia, this may be a first step towards a resumption of the old Egyptian-Soviet alliance, which lasted for some 25 years during the Cold War and was a centrepiec­e of Moscow’s foreign policy in the Middle East.

For Egypt, it involves formulatin­g a new foreign policy that includes a nationalis­tic reassertio­n of Egypt’s freedom of manoeuvre within the region.

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