The Guardian (Charlottetown)

The Catalan dilemma

- Gwynne Dyer

The demonstrat­ions, some of them violent, are still going on in Catalonia a week after Spain’s Supreme Court sentenced nine separatist leaders to between nine and 13 years in prison for sedition. This was the last thing Spain’s prime minister Pedro Sanchez needed three weeks before a national election in which his Socialist Party was already losing ground to right-wing nationalis­t parties.

Catalan separatist­s are convinced that the evil Spanish state as a whole is conspiring to crush their movement, but the court had little choice because those leaders deliberate­ly broke the law. They held an illegal independen­ce referendum two years ago in which few people except the separatist­s voted, and used that ‘victory’ to proclaim independen­ce.

Opinion polls always show that a majority of people in Catalonia don’t want independen­ce, but 92 per cent of those who participat­ed in the referendum voted for it. It was cynical manipulati­on which exploited the fact that the antisepara­tist parties in Catalonia all told their supporters not to vote in an illegal poll.

The bid for independen­ce failed when Madrid dissolved the regional parliament and removed the separatist­s from office. In the subsequent provincial election in December 2017, the pro-independen­ce parties got 47.7 per cent of the vote, so the separatist­s would probably have lost a real referendum by the same margin.

The real problem for the separatist­s is that about half the people in Catalonia are Spanish-speakers who have no interest whatever in seceding from Spain. Some are relatively recent arrivals, but most were born in Catalonia, the children and grandchild­ren of migrants from other parts of Spain who were attracted by the booming economy.

How can ethnic Catalans achieve their goal in a democratic way, however, when half the voters by definition are not interested in it? The only way is somehow to define Spanishspe­akers as not really full citizens of Catalonia, and although they never say that in so many words that was their unspoken justificat­ion for the manipulati­on, they practiced in the 2017 referendum.

Josep Borrel, Spain’s foreign minister, but himself a Catalan, recently offered a lethal analysis of this attitude: “I think the root of the problem is that the independen­ce movement denies the Catalannes­s of those people who aren’t in favour of independen­ce. When you ... claim that only those who think like you are ‘the people,’ that’s a totalitari­an attitude.”

On the other hand, you cannot fail to feel some sympathy for the Catalan nationalis­ts, for as recently as 1950 the great majority of the city’s residents were Catalan-speakers. You also cannot ignore the history: Catalans are not oppressed now, but the only language used in the schools and in all official communicat­ions in Catalonia under the Franco dictatorsh­ip, right down to the 1980s, was Spanish.

None of this has been forgotten by the Catalans, who at one time even feared that their language might be lost. An independen­t Catalonia might have restricted the arrival of so many Spanish-speakers if such an entity had existed 75 years ago, but it’s too late now.

Those Catalans who respect democracy but want independen­ce, therefore, face an insoluble problem, and it’s only Spain’s refusal to permit a real referendum that spares them from having to face up to the conflict between these two values. But the Spanish constituti­on talks of the indissolub­le unity of the Spanish nation and does not permit any region to hold a referendum on independen­ce.

This is hardly surprising in a country that has had four civil wars in the past two centuries, but it effectivel­y guarantees that the unrest in Catalonia will continue indefinite­ly.

So far it has been almost entirely non-violent, but the traditiona­l pro-independen­ce civil society groups, the Catalan National Assembly and Omnium Cultural, are now being outflanked by Tsunami Democratic, a more combative and secretive group. (It was they who occupied the airport last week.)

They are almost all young, they are at home with apps and social media, and they are up for a fight, but Catalonia is still a pretty peaceful place. Long may it remain so.

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