The Guardian (Charlottetown)

Tories must rebuild tradition, from ground up

- Jackson Doughart Friendly Persuasion Jackson Doughart is a Postmedia columnist based in Saint John, N.B. He is a native of Kensington, P.E.I.

Federal Conservati­ve leader Andrew Scheer, who announced his resignatio­n last Thursday, has been criticized for years for his socially conservati­ve views.

Even elements of his own party believed this made him an unsuitable leader.

But is this correct? Is “social conservati­vism” so toxic it should be banished, even from the Tory party?

The answer isn’t so simple. Much depends on definition­s. If social conservati­sm is a mere shorthand for rigid judgments about gay people – as it has seemed to become – it will fail and deserve to fail. But this is a limiting conception of what should be a rich tradition of social thought.

The true social conservati­ve says aloud what everyone knows privately: that certain habits, behaviours, virtues and choices are instrument­al to human flourishin­g. In turn, other personal decisions, practices and vices are impediment­s to living and doing well.

A second distinctio­n is that the social conservati­ve appreciate­s how the web of social forces around us directs the choices we make. This includes public institutio­ns and public policy.

But social conservati­sm needs to change its emphasis and focus. What may have once been a lens for interpreti­ng problems like sexual behaviour and drug use must expand, becoming relevant to more people’s actual lives and challenges.

Major life decisions and habits – from higher education to personal finance, from home ownership to marriage, from community involvemen­t to charity, from work ethic to engagement with the life-affirming arts and culture – are not mere personal preference­s. They are common values that reflect the whole of society. Any person’s single set of habits and choices may not be significan­t in isolation; but in the aggregate, they matter.

To be socially conservati­ve is to take what most people want for their own families and friends – stable relationsh­ips, meaningful work, freedom from addiction, financial security – and extend it: from family to community to nation.

This is the theory. The practical question so many people want to answer is “can social conservati­sm win?” The answer is that it must win. Not in the sense that social conservati­ves have to govern alone, but that they must be a part of the fabric of national argument. The stakes are too great to sideline those with a genuine concern for the common good and a voice to articulate it.

But let’s revise the question: “Can a socially conservati­ve Tory leader win?”

Sure, but only if the movement does a great deal more work to bring this tradition out of its slumber, from a posture of virtue-signalling to a rigorous body of thought and policy research, providing an alternativ­e to today’s monopoly of received liberal wisdom on social questions.

What mainstream forum in Canada publishes socially conservati­ve critiques with the rigour and depth of a Heather MacDonald or a Charles Murray? And who is interested and willing to support such work on a serious scale?

The left gets much of the blame for trying to make social conservati­sm in any form beyond the pale. But the right has done its share of the work by neglecting social questions that are politicall­y sensitive, ostensibly on the belief that free-market principles alone will do the trick. Surely Mr. Scheer’s election performanc­e shows there is much more room for substance.

Small-c conservaiv­es need to get some real work done on Canada’s social condition and the influencea­ble factors behind it.

Then, whom the Tories pick as their leader becomes less important. Heck, put forward some measurable ways to help families be more self-sufficient, more community-minded and more healthy, and having a social conservati­ve in the leader’s chair wouldn’t even be necessary. But it all starts with rebuilding this important tradition from the ground up.

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