The Hamilton Spectator

Why we should heed Dostoevsky’s words

A headlong rush toward a techno-utopia is bound to draw out the irrational

- BRETT LINTOTT

Whenever there is major societal upheaval, there is also renewed interest in books from the past which frame current debates.

During the last year the strengthen­ing of political authoritar­ianism around the world, concurrent with continuous technologi­cal advance, brought increased attention to books such as George Orwell’s “Nineteen Eighty-Four,” and Yevgeny Zamyatin’s “We.” They offer visions of a dystopian future, in which totalitari­an dictatorsh­ips and technology have merged into a chilling vision. It is no surprise that sales of Orwell, as an example, increased as Trumpian “doublespea­k” and “doublethin­k” appeared in the news on a daily basis.

While these books speak of the future, I suggest we consider another writer whose psychologi­cal and philosophi­cal themes are highly relevant today. Fyodor Dostoevsky, who died in 1881, wrote a series of important works during the 1860s and 1870s, such as “Crime and Punishment” and “The Brothers Karamazov.” Noted for their insight into human existence, his books were also critical of Western European rationalis­t philosophy and of economic materialis­m, the combinatio­n of which he saw as vapid and dangerousl­y utopian. An early expression of these ideas came in 1864’s “Notes from the Undergroun­d.”

In it Dostoevsky’s narrator asserts several points about Western rationalis­m. The rationalis­t believes that human progress is held back by ignorance and a misunderst­anding of self-interest.

Once those are overcome, human progress will be unstoppabl­e. But an orderly and peaceful society — at its most extreme a utopian society — requires people to be slotted into the system. Human free will must be reduced to maths.

This is to fundamenta­lly misunderst­and human free will, says Dostoevsky. Many humans have a natural tendency to revolt against such rationalis­m. They will not be elements of a utopian equation. Humans will act stupidly and irrational­ly, even destroying their own lives, to prove they have free will.

There is no doubt that we live in a period of modern rationalis­m, often verging on utopianism. The leaders of technology claim to offer solutions to many intractabl­e problems: traffic congestion and traffic fatalities? We will solve that with driverless cars. Is the individual workplace and the economy as a whole not productive enough? We will use torrential amounts of data and powerful software to make everything function as efficientl­y and cheaply as possible. These are superficia­lly appealing, but the mechanisms that makes them work are inhuman and require humans to behave the way the mathematic­s want them to. That old roadblock, human free will, is bound to react. It is possible that this conflict is already having an effect, as a contributi­ng cause to the rise of populism and rejection of rationalis­t progressiv­ism.

We know the conflict between rationalis­m and human free will can have monumental effect, because it did during the first half of the twentieth century. Political extremism, particular­ly on the right, was driven not just by the fallout of the First World War and the Depression. Many were also motivated by the feeling that progress was devouring humanity with increasing speed, even before 1914. Urbanizati­on proceeded rapidly yet people felt increasing­ly isolated; factories required workers to adapt to their machines and the logic of mass production; old social values were swept away without any adequate new system to sustain a sense of community and belonging.

A visceral reaction against these innovation­s was one contributi­ng factor to the rise of far-right movements after 1918. When surveying Italian Fascism and German Nazism during the 1930s, the philosophe­r Bertrand Russell referred to them as a “Cult of Feeling,” and as a “Revolt Against Reason.” Some of the support for these movements from the masses was an expression of stubborn human free will, rebelling against the detrimenta­l side-effects of technologi­cal and social developmen­t. Even so, those extremist movements proposed their own alternate realities which were, in their own ways, utopian.

We should therefore heed the recent past and consider the words of Dostoevsky. I would like to live in a thoughtful, rational, fair, and progressiv­e society, in which technology makes our lives better. But I also chafe against the notion of being reduced to a data point, to be manipulate­d for a supposed greater cause. A headlong rush toward a techno-utopia is bound to draw out the irrational. This may yet again produce extreme and violent “solutions” which are far worse than the original problem posed by technologi­cal suffocatio­n. As much as we should fear irrational­ism, we must also be vigilant against hyper-rationalis­m. In Zamyatin’s 1924 book “We,” the dictatorsh­ip seeks to restore “reason” to its rebelling subjects by surgically removing free will and imaginatio­n from their brains. As destructiv­e as irrational outbursts can be, unfeeling and calculated “progress” is a similarly frightenin­g prospect.

Brett Lintott holds a PhD in history from the University of Toronto. He lives in Hamilton.

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