The storied politics of Ward 3: Then and now
Hamilton’s ward politics have never resembled those of Kansas City and Memphis bosses Thomas Pendergast and H.L. Crump, who used murder, patronage, voter bribery and intimidation to stay in power for decades in the early part of the 20th century.
Nevertheless, dividedness and rancour — couched in terms like “identity politics” — exists today.
It was all so much simpler on Jan. 12, 1847, when the newly-minted City of Hamilton elected its first representatives to sit on the drafty second floor at the joint Town Hall/Market on James Street North. The original four wards, dating from 1833 when Hamilton was a police village, were joined by a fifth by the late 1840s when the city boundaries were extended east to Wentworth Street.
Each of the five wards elected two aldermen for a one-year term. The 10 men — each had to own at least 750 pounds worth of property — in turn chose our first mayor, Colin Ferrie, from their ranks.
The nature of Hamilton politics in the 1840s was illustrated by the fact that the five wards, roughly corresponding to specific ethnic groups residing in them, was named after a Christian saint. The Anglican-churched “brahmins” occupied St. George ward. Newly-arrived Irish and Scottish immigrants made up much of St. Mary, St. Andrew, St. Patrick and St. Lawrence wards.
The latter two wards make up one of the most hotly-contested of all of the council seats in the three different municipal chambers Hamilton has had. Comprising old Wards 6 and 7, the swath of territory between Wellington and Ottawa has been Ward 3 for decades.
The fractious nature of Ward 3 politics is reflective of changing socio-economic forces. In the first decades of the new city’s existence, it was Hamilton’s “market garden.” Rambling Victorian houses with turrets and gingerbread trim and obligatory carriage houses nestled in cobblestoned alleyways, interspersed with fecund fruit orchards and horse pastures. Voter concerns were much like those of Ancaster residents today, issues such as the preservation of public-owned green space.
By the early 1900s, King Street became the first divide in future Ward 3, which by this time had reached its current eastern limit. The mass construction of row houses in Stipley, Gibson and Landsdale for new Slavic, Armenian, Polish and Italian immigrants, toiling in large factories and foundries, created Hamilton’s vibrant working-class enclaves.
In the war boom of the 1940s, resurgent labour unions were in conflict with business owners and civic leaders.
In the 1944 election, Ward 6 Independent Labour candidate Alfred Stratford used the campaign slogan “A Labour Man for a Labour Ward.” One of his top issues was affordable housing.
Meanwhile over in Ward 7, Helen Anderson, one of the first women ever to run in Hamilton, was the Labour Progressive candidate. M.T. Montgomery, the CCF (forerunner of the NDP party) candidate was not reported by The Spectator.
World economics changed the complexion of Ward 3, starting in the 1970s. Immigration shifted direction, coming largely from the global south. Single family homes were split into multiple rental units. Social service providers became the biggest industry.
Specific neighbourhoods were identified and colour-coded as being among Hamilton’s most economicallyand health-challenged. Only the leafy boulevards of South Sherman seemed to be unaffected.
The renaissance of downtown and west end wards has reached cousin to the east. Pockets of manicured single owned homes coexist with lodging homes, social housing and multi-unit rental accommodation. Mixed housing and locally-owned businesses, cornerstones of progressive-minded urbanists have reached Ward 3, too.
In 2014, 15 candidates ran for Bernie Morelli’s vacant seat. One candidate used City of Hamilton branding in his campaign literature, making it seem he was the incumbent. Another had his campaign office burglarized. The eventual winner was criticized for having his posters too close to an advance polling station as well as being subjected to bizarre accusations of fomenting a Free-Mason conspiracy.
Ward 3 again has no incumbent. Thirteen people have thrown their hat in the ring. We have already seen one candidate’s volunteers canvassing the home street of vying candidates, while the latter were having their campaign launch at local banquet halls.
Among the candidates is a single mother, trading on her years working at City Hall and the same last name as a well-known incumbent councillor. Three other respected community builders, products of the successful Neighbourhood Action Strategy (NAS) and Neighbourhood Leadership Institute (NLI) initiatives are running. One of these made a very good showing of himself in the last provincial election and firmly disavows partisan politics.
Then, there is the well-oiled and well-left-of-centre political machine, which with its slick media campaign is comfortably on its way to reaching the $25,000 spending limit.
Since voter turnout will probably be low again in Ward 3, a few hundred votes could decide who wins. Sponsored ads on Facebook and robocalling could turn the trick.
On the other hand, a small team of dedicated scrutineers visiting each residence in the ward could bring in the vote. On Oct 22, we will find out.
Joachim Brouwer is a member of GALA Heritage