The Niagara Falls Review

Supreme Court should revisit delayed trial stays

- TYLER DAWSON tdawson@postmedia.com

Criminals — or alleged criminals — are walking free thanks to a Supreme Court of Canada ruling last summer that placed hard limits on how long trials are allowed to take.

In hundreds of cases, charges have been stayed — meaning the trial is suspended, but the accused isn’t found either guilty or not guilty — and thousands more are at risk of a stay. Even serious cases have been stayed, including a man accused of firstdegre­e murder in Ottawa. Doubtless, it is damaging public confidence in a justice system that many Canadians already — wrongly, by the way — believe is unduly sympatheti­c toward criminals and nasty toward victims. A stay is “a draconic remedy,” says Peter Hogg, one of Canada’s top constituti­onal law scholars.

So, why are charges being stayed? Surely there are other, less drastic remedies out there?

The answer lies in a 1987 Supreme Court ruling called R v. Rahey. It said the solution to an unreasonab­le delay in court cannot contribute to further delays. If there has been a Charter violation, wrote then-justice Antonio Lamer, “to allow a trial to proceed . . . would be to participat­e in a further violation of the Charter.”

Hence, charges being stayed. Obvious, right?

“It’s based on very simple-minded reasoning that once you’ve reached an unreasonab­le delay, you can’t possibly continue the case,” Hogg told a Canadian Senate committee recently. “I think that’s a silly way to look at it.”

As Christophe­r Sherrin, a law professor at Western University, notes, this isn’t how the courts handle other Charter violations. An unconstitu­tional strip search, he says in a paper exploring alternate remedies to trial delays, may be experience­d as “equivalent to a sexual assault.” Yet courts don’t stay charges in response. “Instead, they engage in balancing and sometimes grant no remedy or a lesser remedy, like a sentence reduction,” Sherrin writes.

What Sherrin sees as a mistake is presuming that the trial delay itself is the problem. Rather, he argues, the problem is the effect the delay has on the accused, such as threatenin­g rights to liberty, security and a fair trial. “Further delay won’t necessaril­y make things worse,” Sherrin says.

The point is, there are other potential solutions. “You can address the problem that delay has caused, but you don’t have to terminate the proceeding­s,” says Sherrin.

Of course, this is all hypothetic­al. The top court has ruled, and the law is clear that the fix to a trial delay is a stay of proceeding­s, so unless the Supreme Court feels like revisiting that principle (and it has opted not to in the past), alternativ­es will remain speculativ­e.

The flip side is, when the only remedy is a stay, judges are loath to actually use it. “In a great number of instances either the accused has got nothing because the judge has been loath to grant a stay of proceeding­s, despite some fairly significan­t delay, or the accused has received a stay in circumstan­ces where one wonders . . . whether he really deserved it,” Sherrin says.

The simplicity of the Rahey decision is part of its beauty. If an unreasonab­le trial delay is a Charter violation, then the only solution must be to stop the delay. That means a stay must be granted; any alternate remedy perpetuate­s the delay and sees the court system participat­e in further Charter violations. It’s circuitous reasoning, but the Supreme Court got it right three decades ago.

Yet we have a crisis of people accused of serious crimes walking free. I’d say the court got it right with Rahey, but today’s Supreme Court is not the one that ruled in 1987. We may, one day, hear differentl­y from a future court.

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