The Niagara Falls Review

Making politics less adversaria­l

Author has great ideas for a more effective parliament, but is anyone listening?

- GEOFFREY STEVENS Cambridge resident Geoffrey Stevens, an author and former Ottawa columnist and managing editor of the Globe and Mail, teaches political science at Wilfrid Laurier University and the University of Guelph. geoffsteve­ns@sympatico.ca

Every now and again — perhaps once in a political blue moon — a really good idea emerges, one that is so sensible that you might think our elected representa­tives would trip over themselves to claim ownership.

The idea for this blue moon emerges, or re-emerges, in a new book by Dave Meslin, a Toronto-based artist, activist and community organizer, entitled “Teardown: Rebuilding Democracy from the Ground Up.”

The book is full of ideas, about 100 of them, to make the system work better. The one that caught my eye is this: it is high time that Canada threw off the shackles of Westminste­r-style parliament­ary democracy — founded on what Meslin calls “adversaria­l representa­tion” — and embraced a new model based on consensus and accommodat­ion.

No longer would the two principal parties glare at each other across a demilitari­zed zone — a centre aisle two swords’ lengths wide (historical­ly, to protect members from doing one another harm in the heat of debate) — with the government party seated to the Speaker’s right and the principal opposition party to the left. It’s like that in the “Mother of Parliament­s” in London, in the House of Commons in Ottawa and in nine of the 10 provincial legislatur­es (the exception being Newfoundla­nd and Labrador, where the sides are reversed in the House of Assembly.)

Referring to Ottawa, the author asks, “Why are we paying 338 people a salary of $172,700 each, simply to act as knee-jerk supporters or opponents of legislatio­n? This is precisely what voters are so sick of: the inefficien­t and childish battlefiel­d that our politics has become.”

That’s a good point. Consider the so-called budget “debate” this spring. The Conservati­ves, angry about the SNC-Lavalin affair, drowned out Finance Minister Bill Morneau when he tried to deliver the budget speech, and they forced dozens of meaningles­s procedural votes. The Liberals retaliated by stonewalli­ng in Question Period. Then the Conservati­ves stalked out of the House in a melodramat­ic display of something or other.

The budget affects everyone in Canada. Yet the 2019 version eventually passed without proper examinatio­n. “Inefficien­t” and “childish”? Yep.

It’s what we get with “adversaria­l representa­tion” — a government that admits no wrong and an opposition that concedes no right.

Meslin advocates redesignin­g the seating plan as one way “to break up the mob … with a party on one side yelling at another party on the other side.”

Three Scandinavi­an countries have shown the way. Norway and Sweden have seating plans based on geography rather than on party. In Ottawa, a Liberal MP from Ontario might have a Conservati­ve seatmate on their left and a New Democrat or a Green on their right. Same thing on both sides of the chamber, leaving no bloc across the aisle yell (or wave a sword) at.

In Iceland, its parliament, the Albingi, has randomized seating. At the beginning of each session, members draw numbered balls from a box. The number determines where the member will sit. Iceland has learned that randomized seating reduces heckling. Seatmates from different parties become acquaintan­ces, even friends. Political relationsh­ips develop as they come to understand one another’s concerns. It is hard to demonize opponents when you sit next to them every day.

Meslin has other suggestion­s for a less confrontat­ional Parliament. Allow members from different parties to co-sponsor private members’ bills. That’s not possible under existing rules, but co-sponsorshi­p would enhance the chances of worthwhile private measures winning passage.

Another suggestion: make parliament­ary committees smaller and more focused — and strip party leaders of their power to replace MPs who fail to hew to the party line during their committee work.

Neither changes to seating plans nor cross-party co-sponsorshi­p of bills nor more independen­ce for committee members would eliminate partisansh­ip. We would still have intensely partisan election campaigns.

Elections are occasions when ideas like these should be aired. But as former prime minister Kim Campbell observed back in 1993, “an election is no time to discuss serious issues.”

Sad but still true.

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