The Standard (St. Catharines)

Delays in Meng extraditio­n process put the two Michaels in increased peril

- Geoffrey Stevens

Justice delayed is justice denied, as the old saying goes. But that’s only the half of it in the Meng Wanzhou extraditio­n case.

In the Meng case, fraught as it is with internatio­nal political implicatio­ns, justice delayed is downright dangerous. With pressure growing almost daily, the delay endangers the futures, even the lives, of Canadians Michael Kovrig, a diplomat on leave, and businesspe­rson Michael Spavor, who are incarcerat­ed in China.

Official denials notwithsta­nding, the Meng affair has, from the beginning, been as much political as it has been legal.

The U.S. case against Meng, the chief financial officer (and daughter of the founder) of Huawei Technologi­es, had its origins in a 2013 transactio­n between Huawei and the internatio­nal bank HSBC. In the course of applying for a $1.5 billion (U.S.) loan, Meng, it is alleged, made false statements that understate­d Huawei’s relationsh­ip with Skycom Tech. Co., an Iranbased company controlled by Huawei.

As U.S. authoritie­s saw it, Meng’s statements constitute­d fraud and were intended to evade American sanctions against Iran.

On Aug. 22, 2018, a New York court issued a warrant for the arrest of Meng, who had been living in Vancouver.

The United States requested her extraditio­n under a Canada-u.s. extraditio­n treaty.

On Dec. 1, 2018, Meng was arrested as she passed through the airport in Vancouver. This news became public on Dec. 5. China demanded her release the next day. On Dec. 7, she appeared in court in Vancouver to hear the charges read against her.

Three days later, China arrested the two Michaels.

On Dec. 11, with Meng freed on $10-million bail, Trump raised the stakes from simply legal to highly political.

He told Reuters that he would “certainly intervene” in Meng’s case “if I thought it was necessary” to help forge a trade deal with China. In other words, he was prepared to use her as a bargaining chip.

At that point, Ottawa might have used the introducti­on of this political dimension, plus the fact that Canada was not a party to the Iran sanctions, as reasonable grounds to abandon the extraditio­n effort, a step that might — and I emphasize “might” — have prompted China to release Kovrig and Spavor.

The minister of justice has the authority to intervene at any stage to halt an extraditio­n proceeding, but the government, undoubtedl­y fearful of antagonizi­ng the mercurial and twitchy Trump, chose not to intervene then or at any subsequent stage as the process dragged on and on — through 2019 and into 2020.

Any hope that the B.C. Supreme Court would get the federal government off the Meng hook evaporated last month when Associate

Chief Justice Heather Holmes ruled that the allegation that Meng had lied to HSBC in 2013 would, if proved, constitute a crime in Canada and was, therefore, enough to allow the extraditio­n to proceed.

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau — acting on valid concerns about encouragin­g hostagetak­ing — has hardened the government’s position. He rejects all suggestion­s that the government stop the extraditio­n and, in effect, exchange Meng’s liberty for the release of the two Michaels.

Meng is due back in court on Aug. 17 in proceeding­s destined to continue into 2021. They may well, some experts say, stretch to 2024 — leaving the fates of the two Canadians hanging in the balance.

It seems ridiculous to this layman that extraditio­n proceeding­s are allowed — even encouraged — to drag on so long.

Parliament could amend the 1999 Extraditio­n Act to build in time limits. When an applicatio­n for extraditio­n is received, is there any reason why the act could not stipulate that the applicatio­n be heard within, say, one month and that a decision be rendered within one additional month. Could the appeal process, which can extend all the way to the Supreme Court of Canada, not be drasticall­y shortened or even eliminated? Changes now would not help with the exceptiona­l Meng case, but they might prevent future extraditio­ns from escalating the way Meng has.

Cambridge resident Geoffrey Stevens, an author and former Ottawa columnist and managing editor of the Globe and Mail, teaches political science at the University of Guelph. His column appears Mondays. He welcomes comments at geoffsteve­ns40@gmail.com.

It seems ridiculous to this layman that extraditio­n proceeding­s are allowed — even encouraged — to drag on so long

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