Gender quotas needed to ensure parity in politics

Gender parity in Canadian politics: Is it the future or just a fad?

Last week, the NDP in British Columbia was sworn into government after 18 years in opposition. Newly minted Premier John Horgan unveiled the first gender parity cabinet in B.C.’s history.

The May 9 election was also the first time that a major party in the province had run more female than male candidates. The gender balance was accomplished through an equity policy that required retiring male incumbents to be replaced by candidates who are female, Indigenous, visible minorities, disabled or LGBTQ.

Controversial? No doubt. But real commitment to gender parity in Canadian politics requires a longterm strategy with teeth. Equity policies pegged to recruitment at the riding level can help parties start off with a balanced slate of candidates.

Expect this topic to crop up at the provincial level in Quebec over the coming months. In June, Premier Philippe Couillard announced plans to present a gender-balanced team of candidates to run under the Liberal banner during the 2018 election. During the 2014 general election, women made up about 30 per cent of Liberal candidates. But without an equity policy, he’s got work to do.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau set a federal precedent by naming the first gender parity cabinet in Canadian history after the Liberals were elected in 2015. The decision attracted widespread praise in Canada and around the world. Since then, it has become increasingly common for political leaders — like B.C.’s Horgan — to acknowledge the importance of gender equity and diversity throughout government.

But a year after they came to power, the Liberals rejected a private member’s bill that would have entrenched a federal commitment to gender equity. Introduced by NDP MP for Burnaby South Kennedy Stewart, Bill C-237 would have financially penalized political parties that didn’t run a nearly equal number of male and female candidates; this would have been an incentive to parties to seek out a better gender balance at the riding level. While the bill garnered unanimous NDP backing, it received no Conservative support and only 23 Liberal votes.

The prime minister has also been criticized for propelling female rookies — notably former Maryam Monsef, Bardish Chagger and Mélanie Joly — into demanding cabinet positions before they had cut their teeth in the House. Political analyst Chantal Hébert called them cannon fodder programmed to fail.

The case against gender quotas usually rides on an argument of merit. When political newcomers are appointed to cabinet before they’ve had a chance to toil on the backbenches, the public may feel justified in blaming their failures on the fact they are women appointed to fill a quota, when the story may be they were given difficult jobs they did not have the experience to succeed at. They have to work harder to restore their credibility as women, regardless of experience, skills or qualifications.

Let’s put to bed the notion that political correctness is running roughshod over meritocracy. Women are not underrepresented in government because they don’t deserve to be there. Many people face structural barriers to getting involved in politics. Merit and quotas are not mutually exclusive. Researchers have argued quotas under an equity policy can bolster meritocratic systems by opening up politics to everyone.

When former Liberal premier Jean Charest won a minority government in 2007, there was much trumpet blowing over his appointment of Quebec’s first gender parity cabinet. But it was a one-time thing.

Equity policies can help to ensure that gender parity in politics becomes the norm, not the exception. — Celine Cooper writes for the Montreal Gazette.