The Welland Tribune

Chasing the pharmacare dream

- MARTIN REGG COHN Martin Regg Cohn is a columnist based in Toronto covering Ontario politics. Follow him on Twitter: @reggcohn

Pharmacare for all Canadians seems closer than ever now that rival Liberals and New Democrats have embraced universal drug coverage with a federal election looming.

Just don’t count on it until the votes are counted. Ever since the founding of medicare, medicines have been conspicuou­sly left off the list while politician­s deferred pharmacare for the future. That was a half-century ago, and our leaders still haven’t followed up.

At least not nationally. Ontario, however, offers a cautionary tale for how fast pharmacare can rise to the top of the agenda — only to be derailed by opposing political agendas, fierce resistance from private insurers, public ambivalenc­e and voter apathy.

Two years ago, much like today, the provincial wings of the rival Liberals and New Democrats made competing proposals to phase in pharmacare programs. The unpopular Liberal government of then-premier Kathleen Wynne implemente­d full coverage for seniors and young Ontarians (age 24 and under) early last year.

Then Wynne lost the election. Basking in its political honeymoon the Progressiv­e Conservati­ve government of Premier Doug Ford gutted the universal coverage in Ontario’s pioneering OHIP+ program.

Why did Ford’s Tories undo universali­ty? How did they get away with it? The voting public didn’t buy into free prescripti­on drugs in a big way. Pharmacare lacked a vocal provincial constituen­cy last year, just as it lacks a powerful federal advocate this year, despite broad (if soft) support in public opinion polls.

Today, as the federal Liberals and NDP pick apart each other’s proposals, federal Conservati­ve Leader Andrew Scheer is dismissing them both — calling pharmacare unaffordab­le and unworkable. Just as Ford did last year.

Will Canadians learn the lessons of Ontario’s lost opportunit­ies?

It is an enduring paradox of this country — and province — that we view medicare as a quintessen­tially Canadian trait, even though we remain an internatio­nal outlier: No other Western country with universal health coverage excludes prescripti­on drug coverage as we do.

About 20 per cent of Canadians, or 7.5 million people, lack prescripti­on drug coverage — leaving them unable to afford vital drug therapies to fight illness and stay healthy.

As most economists now argue, universal pharmacare is eminently more cost-effective than a fractured system of private insurers dreaming up their own rules for eligible drugs and deductible­s. Much like universal medicare, pharmacare is based on a single-payer system that eliminates duplicatio­n on delivery and eligibilit­y while profiting from economies of scale.

Even more than medicare, however, pharmacare allows for a single-buyer system that yields stronger purchasing power, reducing costs from drug manufactur­ers the way Walmart squeezes suppliers. That’s why universal pharmacare isn’t about equity and ideology, but efficacy and efficiency. So why did pharmacare die without so much as a whimper from the Ontario public?

It turns out that the underlying principle of universali­ty isn’t universall­y loved in Canada anymore. Free drugs are a hard sell in a country where 80 per cent of people are already covered by the 1,000 public and 100,000 private plans that have created such an atomized patchwork.

If I’m all right Jack, why should I care about Jill’s prescripti­on drug needs? If Jill gains pharmacare, will my premium private workplace plan be undermined? That’s precisely how the medicare debate has played out in the U.S. for so long.

A new report this month from a federal panel chaired by Dr. Eric Hoskins, Ontario’s former health minister, makes the case for a phased-in pharmacare program to replace the country’s patchwork system. Canadians spent $34 billion on prescripti­on medicines last year, and pay the highest drug prices of any country with universal health care; pharmacare would save $5 billion a year, Hoskins argued.

The challenge is to make those savings feel real, not notional. When Hoskins introduced Ontario’s OHIP+ program last year, voters complained about higher taxes without believing they would benefit from lower workplace premiums. In fact, the average family would save $350 a year under the new federal proposals, and the average business would be spared $750 per employee in drug coverage — but that cost-benefit trade-off must be spelled out clearly to persuade people that the savings end up in their pockets.

It’s long past time for pharmacare, just as it was surely time for medicare all those decades ago. But based on Ontario’s short-lived experiment with universal drug coverage, its time may never come — unless politician­s and voters learn the lessons of history.

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