Times Colonist

Protection­ism rises as NAFTA talks stall

- STEVEN GLOBERMAN Steven Globerman is a professor emeritus at Western Washington University and senior fellow at the Fraser Institute.

The contentiou­s (and sometimes very public) North American Free Trade Agreement negotiatio­ns between the U.S., Canada and Mexico likely got more complicate­d with the recent election of a new president of Mexico.

While Andrés Manuel López Obrador says he wants a successful outcome to the NAFTA talks, he’s an outspoken critic of U.S. President Donald Trump. He also has a political history as a populist who, like Trump, believes protecting jobs in industries challenged by internatio­nal trade is a key responsibi­lity of his presidenti­al position.

Given the priorities and personalit­ies of the incoming Mexican president and the incumbent U.S. president, optimism about a successful outcome to the trilateral NAFTA negotiatio­ns seems a triumph of hope over realism.

Many questions remain unanswered as the talks drag on. But how will López Obrador ’s election affect the NAFTA process? And how will his election affect Canada?

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his trade negotiator­s have made it clear that Canada prefers to negotiate a trilateral NAFTA as opposed to Canada (and Mexico) negotiatin­g separate bilateral agreements with the U.S. There’s some economic sense to this preference. Two separate agreements would leave the U.S. as the only North American country with free-trade access to the entire continenta­l market. Of course, Canada and Mexico could implement their own arrangemen­t. But if Canada signed separate bilateral trade agreements with the U.S. and Mexico, Canadian companies would likely face more complicate­d and costly rules of origin to obtain duty-free access to the U.S. and Mexican markets (to the extent that different rules govern the two agreements). There’s also a principle involved. The Trump administra­tion has little use for multilater­al agreements, including the World Trade Organizati­on. Trump and his advisers clearly believe the U.S. has more bargaining power when negotiatin­g bilateral deals, while Canada has a long-standing interest in strong multilater­al, rules-based institutio­ns.

Ditching the trilateral negotiatio­ns to strike a separate deal with the U.S. would undermine Canada’s principled position in support of multilater­alism.

But again, the election of López Obrador might make a trilateral agreement more difficult to reach, particular­ly if tensions over illegal immigratio­n and the detention of people trying to cross from Mexico into the U.S. continue.

Against the background of an increasing­ly fraught political relationsh­ip between the U.S. and Mexico, what should Canadian negotiator­s do?

In continuing to insist upon a trilateral agreement, Canada risks seeing the Trump administra­tion walk away from the negotiatio­ns before the midterm congressio­nal elections in October, to solidify the support of American voters sympatheti­c to the president’s mercantili­st view of trade relations and his anti-immigratio­n stance.

On the other hand, abandoning the trilateral negotiatio­ns to pursue a bilateral deal with the U.S. might be premature and unprincipl­ed.

In the age of Trump, there’s no simple answer to Canada’s negotiatin­g dilemma.

A pragmatic approach might involve Canada unilateral­ly implementi­ng initiative­s that enhance the likelihood of a successful bilateral trade agreement if the trilateral NAFTA negotiatio­ns fail, while also making economic sense in their own right.

The most obvious unilateral initiative in this regard is to terminate Canada’s agricultur­al supply-management programs, which impose large costs on Canadian consumers, especially lower-income families who can less easily afford higher prices for milk, poultry and other staples.

While ending supply management would be politicall­y challengin­g for the Canadian government, particular­ly in farm-heavy parts of the country, financial compensati­on to farmers adversely affected would make the changes more palatable.

And ending supply management would undercut one of Trump’s main criticisms of the Canada/U.S. trade regime, while generating American support from an important voting constituen­cy — the Midwestern farm belt — for a new bilateral trade agreement that would reduce, or even eliminate, Canada’s tariffs on agricultur­al products.

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