Toronto Star

Ontario’s own hanging-chad catastroph­e

- Robin V. Sears Robin V. Sears, a principal at Earnscliff­e Strategy Group, was an NDP strategist for 20 years.

In 2000, the president of the United States was chosen not by voters, not by the electoral college, but by the Supreme Court. It was the controvers­ial end to a bitter and divisive electoral outcome defined by the ludicrous process of adjudicati­ng whether there was a “hanging chad” on any ballot.

These tiny pop-outs still clinging to a paper ballot were used to determine whether a ballot was to be counted, and in whose favour. Tight TV close-ups of lawyers and scrutineer­s, heads inches apart, peering intently at a debatable chad made the ridiculous­ness to which American democracy had descended even more painful.

Worse, the count of Florida ballots was frozen with tens of thousands of ballots unchecked, by Republican politician­s and an imprudent — at best — Supreme Court. The sight of GOP operatives, sharp and slippery lawyers and a partisan court, cheating Al Gore of his presidency, feeds the anger and disillusio­nment of many Americans for whom it remains a deep scar to this day. Fair election counts matter and predictabl­e and transparen­t counting processes matter most.

Around the same time, young political activists in each Canadian political party became convinced that delegated convention­s gave too much power to party elites, were undemocrat­ic and subject to manipulati­on. Like dominoes, each party establishm­ent fell to the “one member, one vote” agitation.

In a banquet hall in suburban Toronto last week, we saw how demonstrab­ly unequal, untranspar­ent and simply undemocrat­ic such systems can be.

Yes, party bosses, so determined, can manipulate election outcomes, or when exhausted and under pressure make dumb decisions, in any electoral system.

There was a whiff of mischief in the Alberta conservati­ve leadership and at the end of the recent B.C. Liberal leadership campaign of similar type: party phone lines blocked, pin numbers not sent, IDs disappeari­ng, questionab­le payments, etc.

The moral of the story, whether it is hanging chads, dubious delegates, or “one person, one vote” schemes, is that the system’s guardians and the rules they enforce must be clear, with no potential for late-night “tweaks.”

One may not be seen as a credible steward of party democracy if through incompeten­ce or design you disenfranc­hise thousands of voters, or leave open to choice which riding they live in — on election night!

It’s past time to think again about party nomination and leadership processes.

We seem to have replaced the sleazy operative flipping bills off a roll of tens with sneaky digital geeks manipulati­ng identities, electronic payments and access to the digital ballot box.

The election process must be seen to be fair and open: no ridiculous­ly high financial deposits or nominating names thresholds, for example. The process must be overseen by guardians who are beyond reproach and have the experience, reputation and strength to stand their ground in the face of partisan bellowing. Voters need to have guaranteed access, throughout, to party decision-makers and referees about missing credential­s, ballots or any other obstacle.

Rules about how the predictabl­e variety of conflicts in a counting process will be resolved need to be public, and widely pronounced at the beginning of a contest, not after a bitter electionni­ght battle.

Here are two personal preference­s: election decisions should be made by groups as close to the voters themselves as possible. Centrally run electronic ballot issuing and counting systems are understand­ably seen as remote and insensitiv­e, run by party bureaucrat­s whom you have never met. Far better, surely, to have riding-level decisionma­king about who gets to vote, who is a “real” party member and how problems are to be solved.

Secondly, voters should be allowed to change their minds between ballots. Performanc­e matters in politics, and leadership convention­s are about candidate performanc­e, as well as leadership selection. A powerful recent example is that Kathleen Wynne became premier significan­tly on the strength of her convention performanc­e.

Processes that saw Doug Ford’s election damaged the reputation of all parties and faith in democracy itself.

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