Toronto Star

Politics of citizenshi­p flare in India

Millions insist they are legal residents in Assam

- RISHI LEKHI

MAYONG, INDIA— The rice farmer doesn’t know how it happened. Abdul Mannan just knows a mistake was made somewhere. But what can you say when the authoritie­s suddenly insist one of your five children isn’t an Indian? What do you do when your wife and daughter-in-law are suddenly viewed as illegal immigrants?

“We are genuine Indians. We are not foreigners,” said Mannan, 50, adding his family has lived in India’s northeaste­rn Assam state since the 1930s. “I can’t understand where the mistake is.”

Neither can nearly four million other people who insist they are Indian but who now must prove their nationalit­y as the politics of citizenshi­p — overlaid with questions of religion, ethnicity and illegal immigratio­n — swirls in a state where such questions have a long and bloody past.

Today, nativist anger churns through the hills and plains of Assam state, just across the border from Bangladesh, with many here believing the state is overrun with illegal migrants.

“India is for Indians. Assam is for Indians,” said Samujjal Bhattachar­ya, a top official with the All Assam Students Union, which has been in the forefront of pushing for the citizenshi­p survey. “Assam is not for illegal Bangladesh­is.”

On Friday, some of the 3.9 million residents left off Assam’s draft list of citizens began picking up forms to file their appeals, wading into a Byzantine legal and bureaucrat­ic process that many fear could lead to detention, expulsion or years in limbo. For decades, fears of widespread movement across the porous border with Bangladesh have triggered tensions between the state’s majority ethnic group, Assamese-speaking Hindus, and its Bengalispe­aking Muslims.

But proving that can be complicate­d in a region where basic paperwork — birth certificat­es, marriage certificat­es, leases — has only recently become commonplac­e in many rural villages. State officials insist they have done everything possible to make the procedure fair.

But the politics of religion and ethnicity have been on the rise in India since 2014, when the Hindu nationalis­t Bharatiya Janata Party was swept to power in national elections. The party quickly pushed to update the citizenshi­p registry in Assam, where politician­s have eagerly grabbed hold of the issue. Few deny there has been widespread illegal migration into Assam, often by poor Bangladesh­is in search of work as farm labourers. The state’s demographi­cs have shifted dramatical­ly in recent decades, with the percentage of Bengalispe­akers jumping from 22 per cent in 1991 to 29 per cent in 2011, and the percentage of Assamese-speakers declining. Many analysts, however, say those numbers in part reflect the higher birth rates among Muslims. While Muslims appear to dominate the 3.9 million people left off the citizenshi­p rolls, they aren’t the only people now facing a bureaucrat­ic gauntlet.

“I don’t know about politics. I am a poor man. I work all day, eat, and sleep at night. I don’t go anywhere else,” said Khitish Namo Das, 50, a rail-thin Hindu farmer who insists he was born in India.

Even some of those who support the citizenshi­p survey say the migrants are a significan­t part of the economy.

“Those immigrants play a very important role in supplying your labour economy. So if those people are given work permits, minus political rights, they could be very valuable in Assam,” said Nani Gopal Mahanta, an Assam-based political analyst.

“We are genuine Indians. We are not foreigners.” ABDUL MANNAN INDIAN FARMER

 ?? CHANDAN KHANNA/AFP/GETTY IMAGES ?? A young Rohingya refugee smiles as she looks on at the Kutupalong camp. Residents in India’s Assam face the same nightmare as the Muslim minority in Burma.
CHANDAN KHANNA/AFP/GETTY IMAGES A young Rohingya refugee smiles as she looks on at the Kutupalong camp. Residents in India’s Assam face the same nightmare as the Muslim minority in Burma.
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