Toronto Star

Impeachmen­t’s power and grandeur

- Robin V. Sears Robin V. Sears was an NDP strategist for 20 years and later served as a communicat­ions adviser to businesses and government­s on three continents. He is a freelance contributi­ng columnist for the Star. Follow him on Twitter: @robinvsear­s

There is a wide misunderst­anding of the purpose and consequenc­es of an American impeachmen­t. Being “impeached” is already a very serious blow — you have been charged with a political felony — even if you are able to threaten your voters into setting you free.

Impeachmen­t was used regularly in the early days of the republic to discipline hyperparti­san judges. Freed often by their allies, that did not spare them a guilty verdict in the court of public opinion. Bill Clinton’s hairsplitt­ing on the difference between intercours­e and oral sex made virtually the entire nation cringe with revulsion, and they have not forgotten.

Equally cringewort­hy were the replays of Trump’s thuggish phone calls ordering Ukraine to interfere in an American election — or else. It prompted one of the cracks in the Trump coalition that began to weaken support from suburban voters.

But no impeachmen­t to date can match the raw emotional power, the stunningly well-executed presentati­on of evidence of Trump’s seditious efforts at political arson. The visible pain of one House “prosecutor,” as he closed the first-round evidence with a family story, was heart rending. Having lost a son the day before, Rep. Jamie Raskin nonetheles­s showed up the next day accompanie­d by his children. Following the sickening attack, he assured his daughter that this horror would never be repeated during her next visit to the Capitol.

Tabitha, a 24-year-old teacher, replied with angry intensity. “Dad, I don’t want to visit the Capitol … ever.”

Raskin’s quaking voice as he recounted this bitterest of moments for a proud political dad is a scene that will be replayed for years, containing as it does her implicit condemnati­on of politics and every politician.

“Of all the terrible brutal things (on that day), that one hit me the hardest,” Raskin concluded.

Imagine any father watching. There will be a huge number who will never forgive or forget Trump’s role in delivering these deep wounds to the men and women who feared for their lives that day, and the damage he has done to the republic.

The House managers spent the next two days slicing layer by gruesome layer any defence the former president’s cowardly allies may attempt. Even the great conservati­ve columnist, Peggy Noonan, observed they had none, and that Americans will watch and remember.

This is the power, the solemnity, even the grandeur of a successful impeachmen­t. It is the representa­tives of the people, publicly denouncing their own political leadership for crimes against the nation. It would have been best if Trump were to be convicted, expelled and banned, of course. But the impact of this stunning presentati­on of treachery alone will have done Trump probably irretrieva­ble damage.

The term “impeachmen­t” had its incarnatio­n in England in the 14th century, but has fallen into disuse. They today have powerful parliament­ary committees that regularly scorch government­s bipartisan­ly.

We have neither.

Canada ranks worst as an executive-dominated democracy. Our legislatur­es’ feeble oversight efforts are reminiscen­t of Denis Healey’s immortal put-down of a Tory minister’s ability to throw an effective punch: “Like being savaged by a dead sheep!” The partisanly stage-managed Canadian parliament­ary committees are like watching a Monty Python version of robust investigat­ion and truth-telling.

From sponsorshi­p to Shawinigan, from attacking the Harper muzzle machinery to SNC-Lavalin and then WE, government­s simply turn off the lights and lock the committee room door if MPs get too uppity. We have the worst record in the democratic world of poodle parliament­arians voting independen­tly — 96 per cent of the time MPs leap when the party whip whistles.

We all enjoy sneering at the moneycorru­pted, hyperparti­san foolishnes­s of American politics. But in the ability of politician­s to hold the powerful to account, we should simply blush at the painful comparison. However quavering and spineless the majority of the GOP’s elected politician­s may be, they are deeply aware of the damage Trump has done to their futures.

If Stephen Harper or Justin Trudeau could have been held to the prospect of such censure, imagine how it might have toned down their often thoughtles­s arrogance.

 ?? THE ASSOCIATED PRESS ?? House impeachmen­t manager Rep. Jamie Raskin closed the first-round evidence at Trump’s trial with a heart-rending family story, Robin V. Sears writes.
THE ASSOCIATED PRESS House impeachmen­t manager Rep. Jamie Raskin closed the first-round evidence at Trump’s trial with a heart-rending family story, Robin V. Sears writes.
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