THE WILD RIDE SO FAR
Eventual result of close three-way race remains uncertain even in the final days of fierce campaigning, writes Rob Shaw.
B.C. voters head to the polls on Tuesday for the province’s 41st general election, after a tough three-way election campaign that could end up being a close race to the finish.
B.C. Liberal Leader Christy Clark, B.C. NDP Leader John Horgan and B.C. Green Leader Andrew Weaver have all had
their moments to shine during four weeks of campaigning that have produced moments of fireworks, testy exchanges and clear divisions between the parties.
For Clark, re-election for a fifth Liberal term would be historic. Four years of a new mandate would mean 20 years of Liberal rule, and tie the party with W.A.C. Bennett’s Social Credit dynasty for the longest term in office in provincial history. Clark has focused her campaign messaging on creating jobs, economic growth, tax freezes, small government and leadership stability in the wake of U.S. President Donald Trump’s aggressive protectionist trade actions.
New Democrats have countered with their own message: It’s time for a change. Sixteen years of Liberal government are enough, and voters should relegate them to the opposition bench, Horgan has argued. The NDP have pointed to a series of scandals, the failed court battle with teachers, the influence of political donations by Liberal donors, rising fees, cutbacks to services, and the housing affordability crisis as key reasons to oust the governing party.
The wild card of the election has been Weaver and the Greens. Strong contenders on southern Vancouver Island, Weaver has sought to expand his party’s influence to the Lower Mainland and the Interior. It’s unclear how the Green vote will materialize on May 9 and whether it will result in a handful of new seats for the party or be a spoiler for the NDP and Liberals in key ridings.
As the election nears its conclusion, here are some of the highlights.
AND THEY’RE OFF
The NDP was out of the gate early, campaigning a full week before the official April 11 writ drop. But quickly, the two main parties were locked in battle over one of their first campaign promises: bridge tolls.
The Liberals promised to cap the annual cost of tolls for drivers on the Port Mann and Golden Ears bridges at $500, potentially saving a daily commuter $1,000, and costing government $30 million annually.
The NDP quickly counterpunched with a promise to completely eliminate the tolls, and fund the almost $200-million annual cost out of the Liberals’ Prosperity Fund. But the fund only has $500 million in it, leading the two parties to spar about how the NDP will pay the bill in the future (the party never really explained how).
Clark accused the NDP of “scrambling to come up with ideas.” Horgan argued tolls were unfair to drivers south of the Fraser River. “We’re going to give Lower Mainland commuters a break,” he said. Both were fighting for voters in Surrey and Delta. Weaver said he would keep the tolls because they discourage driving and pollution.
Lost in the shuffle was sensible, long-term, transit planning, with mayors and transportation planners saying the bridge toll promises from both parties were unwise. Later, the parties would spar over each offering 40-percent provincial funding for the proposed Broadway and Surrey transit lines, and the NDP offering extra cash for public transit and a higher priority on replacing the Pattullo Bridge.
DUELLING PLATFORMS
Voters didn’t have to wait long to get the full platforms from the NDP and Liberals. Among the top items was an NDP promise to eliminate Medical Services Plan premiums within four years, at a cost of $1.7 billion.
Horgan promised a postelection review panel to figure out how to pay for it, but some of his candidates blurted out it would be rolled into income tax. If that happened, Horgan said he would protect low- and middle-income residents (defined as making under $70,000 a year) from tax increases, causing further speculation of a postelection tax hike for others.
The Liberals, too, promised to eliminate MSP, but at a vague unknown date in the future when the economy can support it.
The Liberals attacked the NDP platform for having a $6-billion hole in un-costed or improperly costed promises — but then were criticized for exaggerating the NDP’s positions.
The NDP promised $10-a-day child care phased in over 10 years, a two-year Hydro freeze, a review of ICBC rates, and a rollback of ferry rates on smaller routes by 15 per cent. They also pledged to rid Surrey schools of portables, and increase taxes on the wealthy and corporations.
The Liberal platform was a mostly stand-pat document, with the party outlining its major spending on K-12 education, child welfare and health care in February’s provincial budget.
The Greens released their platform later, which outlined free daycare for kids under three, a doubling of the carbon tax, and a transition of B.C.’s economy to new, clean, technologies.
DON’T TOUCH ME PLEASE
The first debate with the party leaders on April 20 got weird, fast.
During a discussion on bridge tolls, an agitated Horgan accused moderator Bill Good of being unfair on time allocation. Clark, whose strategy at times was obviously to goad Horgan’s temper, briefly placed her hand on his arm and said, “Calm down, John.”
“Don’t touch me again, please,” shot back Horgan. “Thank you, very much.”
Things went worse for Horgan. He kept turning to physically confront Clark, and at one point during an exchange said: “I’ll just watch you because I know you like that.” Horgan later said he was just trying to point out Clark likes photo ops, and claimed she was physically provoking him.
Opponents launched on Horgan for his temper and coined the nickname “Hulk Horgan.” Horgan tried to frame the issue as one of passion.
Clark’s performance, too, was widely criticized as uncharacteristically shaky, as she read from her notes. Weaver focused his attacks on Clark instead of his main rival, Horgan.
The second debate on April 25, broadcast on major TV networks, went much smoother. Horgan and Weaver sparred. Clark ignored questions to focus on her jobs narrative. Each party declared victory.
I AM LINDA
A chance encounter in North Vancouver between Clark and a retired social worker assistant, Linda Higgins, turned into a social media firestorm.
Higgins approached Clark in a grocery store on April 27 and said: “I would never vote for you because of …” But Clark cut her off. “You don’t have to — that’s why we live in a democracy,” Clark said, before turning her back on Higgins and walking away.
The encounter went viral, in no small part because Liberal supporters tried falsely to portray Higgins as an NDP plant. Those who dislike Clark pointed to it as an example of a mean-spirited character.
GOING NEGATIVE
The tone of the election campaign was far more negative than in 2013, when the NDP refused to launch personal attacks. This time around, the NDP created a series of attack ads depicting Clark as a corrupt leader beholden to her corporate donors. The Liberals countered with ads that portrayed Horgan in the pocket of the United Steelworkers, which donated more than $600,000 to his campaign and paid the salaries for the NDP campaign director and two senior workers.
The Liberals also sent a panelled truck with anti-Horgan signs (dubbed the “Truth Truck”) out to crash NDP events in the Lower Mainland. The move largely backfired with negative press for the Liberals.
The ads got worse as the campaign wore on, with the NDP releasing a highly charged video near the end that condemned Clark for the suicide of a fired health researcher in 2012.
SOFTWOOD
The U.S. government’s decision to slap an up to 24-per-cent tariff on Canadian softwood lumber on April 25 quickly became a political football.
Clark used the issue to claim only she was a strong enough leader to take on Trump in a trade war, and retaliated with a proposed carbon levy on U.S. thermal coal shipped through B.C. ports. She tried to use the United Steelworker support for Trump targeting Canadian steel against the NDP, saying the party was compromised by a union from Pittsburgh that was against B.C. jobs.
Horgan used the softwood issue to point out Clark’s failures toward the B.C. forest industry over several years, and pledged to travel to Washington to promote B.C.’s interests in his first 30 days as premier.
Amid the bluster, neither leader let on that the true negotiating is done federally between Canada and the United States. Potentially thousands of jobs are at stake in the B.C. forest industry, no matter who wins on May 9.
LAST-MINUTE SURPRISES
As the campaign reached the home stretch, the parties accused each other of making promises that weren’t in their original platforms.
The Liberals picked a fight with the City of Vancouver over natural gas restrictions, threatening to crack open the Vancouver Charter to strip the city of certain zoning powers. The NDP promised new hospitals in Cowichan and Surrey, saying even though they weren’t costed or previously mentioned, they would be paid for out of a large $10-billion capital plan.
Horgan told The Vancouver Sun and Province editorial boards he would get rid of secret votes for union certification, as part of labour reforms not in his platform. As well, he fleshed out previously unknown details about a referendum on electoral reform within his first two years.
A brief skirmish emerged over whether the Liberals were open to a value-added tax similar to the Harmonized Sales Tax, but after a few days of vague answers Clark shut the door on that issue as well.
ADVANCE VOTING
The election featured two extra days of advance voting, and all parties admitted their electionnight fortunes could hinge on how effective they have been in locking up their supporters to vote in the advance polls so they could focus on luring undecided voters to the ballot box on May 9.
Early figures show B.C. on pace for a record number of advance voters, although it’s unclear if that will translate to an increase in the voter turnout rate from 57 per cent in 2013.
Polls are open 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. on May 9, and voter information is available at the Elections B.C. website.